Russification of Ukraine: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia
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Line 1: {{Short description|System of measures, actions and legislations}} {{Distinguish|Derussification in Ukraine}} {{pp-protected|small=yes}} {{one source|date=June 2022|reason=Way too much reliance on Plokhy alone.}} [[File:Валуєвський циркуляр. Valuev Circular.jpg|thumb|The [[Valuev Circular]], issued by the minister of internal affairs of the Russian Empire, stating that the Ukrainian language "never existed, doesn't exist, and cannot exist."]] Line 27 ⟶ 30: In 1764, Catherine summoned Razumovsky to St. Petersburg and removed him as hetman, compensating him later with the position of Field Marshal. More importantly, she abolished the office of hetman altogether. This was the third and final liquidation of the Cossack office, with the first being done by Peter I and [[Anna Ioannovna]]. It took Catherine another decade to completely abolish all institutions of the Hetmenate and its regiments.<ref name=":0" /> [[File:Catherine II Depicted during the Performance against the Russification of Ukraine.jpg|thumb|Reinactment of the instruction of Catherine II to Alexander Vyazemsky on 9 November 2015, the [[Day of Ukrainian Literature and Language]], near the [[Administration of the President of Ukraine]]. A woman with a "stitched mouth" is holding the text of the instruction.]] In February 1764, a few months before the liquidation of the office of Hetmenate, Catherine wrote to the [[Prosecutor general of the Russian Empire|Prosecutor General]] of the [[Governing Senate|Senate]] Prince [[Alexander Vyazemsky]]:<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.runivers.ru/bookreader/book482339/#page/386/mode/1up |title=Сборник русского исторического общества. — 1871. — Выпуск 7. — С. 348. |access-date=2017-10-12 |archive-date=2022-05-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220522093734/https://runivers.ru/bookreader/book482339/#page/386/mode/1up |url-status=live }}</ref> Once incorporated fully into the empire the provinces of the former Hetmenate were dwarfed by the Russian state, and the officer class of the Cossack polity was integrated (though with difficulty) and forced to serve the interests of the all-Russian nation, though they retained their attachment to their traditional homeland. Line 101 ⟶ 104: Historians claim that Orlov either deliberately or accidentally underestimated the threat presented by the brotherhood by reporting to the tsar that "the political evil per se, fortunately, had not managed to develop to the extent suggested by the preliminary reports." The "political evil" that Orlov was referring to was contained in the Books of the Genesis of the Ukrainian People that envisioned the creation of a Slavic confederation based on the principle of popular representation with no for the tsar. The books' characterised the Ukrainians as distinct from both Russians and Poles and saw them as destined to lead the future Slavic federation as, unlike the Russians who were dominated by an autocratic tsar and the Poles who had an overbearing caste of noble landowners, the Ukrainians were a nation that cherished its democratic Cossack traditions.<ref name=":0"/> Orlov recommended punishing the "Ukrainophiles"-a term that he invented to refer to the core members of the Brotherhood—though imprisonment, internal exile and forced military service. Though the authorities did not believe Shevchenko was a member of the society, they were deeply disturbed by his verses that extolled Ukraine and attacked the emperor for exploiting his homeland. Orlov was also concerned about the impact of Shevchenko's glorification of Ukraine's Cossack traditions: "Along with favourite poems, ideas may have been sown and subsequently have taken root in Little Russia about the supposedly happy times of the hetmans, the felicity of restoring those times, and Ukraine's capacity to exist as a separate state."<ref name=":0"/> The authorities publicised the existence of the [[Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius]] as well as the punishment meted out to its members. [[Mykola Kostomarov|Kostomarov]], the key figure, was imprisoned in the [[Peter and Paul Fortress]] in St. Petersburg and exiled in the town of Saratov. Others received sentences of one to three years and internal exile from Ukraine in Russia.<ref name=":0"/> Line 159 ⟶ 162: ==== Ukrainians in the Duma ==== After [[Bloody Sunday (1905)|Bloody Sunday of 1905]] and the revolutionary upheaval that followed, Nicholas II issued an edict stating that his subjects could now freely In the 1906 elections to the First Duma, the Ukrainian provinces of the empire elected sixty two deputies, with forty four of them joining the Ukrainian parliamentary club that aimed to promote the Ukrainian political and cultural agenda in the capital. Russian nationalist [[Mikhail Menshikov]] was infuriated by the example set by the Ukrainians, he wrote "the Belarusians, took, are following the khokhly in speaking of a 'circle' of their own in the State Duma. There are Belarusian separatists as well, you see. It's enough to make a cat laugh". Unlike the Ukrainians and Polish, the Belarusians were unable to form a club or circle.<ref name=":0"/> Line 172 ⟶ 175: Right Bank Ukraine in particular became the Union's main base of operations, with its largest branch in the Ukrainian region of [[Volhynia]] centred on the Pochaiv Monastery. What accounted for the impressive number of Union members in the western provinces was that, as in [[Volhynia]], local chapters were led and coordinated by priests who enlisted their parishioners through coercion in the Union. A local police report described it: "The members are local Orthodox parishioners, as well as semiliterate and even illiterate people in the villages, who show no initiative themselves. The heads of the Union's local branches install patriotic feelings in the population by conversing with the peasants and preaching to them in order to strengthen Russia's foundations".<ref name=":0"/> The Union was not only able to accrue so many members through the transition of religious loyalty into loyalty for the empire and the coercive adoption of an all-Russian identity onto the Ukrainian peasantry but was also rooted in the economic demands of the region. In [[Volhynia]] and [[Podolia]] the average landholding was 9 acres whilst in Southern Ukraine it was 40 acres. The union's propagandists were there to point to ==== Ukrainian movement during Nicholas II's reign ==== Line 418 ⟶ 421: After the 2014 [[Annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation|Russian annexation of Crimea]] and establishment of unrecognized [[War in Donbas (2014–2022)|Russian-supported militants]] in eastern Ukraine, Russification was imposed on people in [[Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine|Russian-occupied territories]].<ref>{{Cite web|date=2019-09-15|title=Rights Group: Ukrainian Language Near Banished In Donbas Schools|url=https://www.rferl.org/a/ukrainian-language-donbas-schools/30165052.html|access-date=2021-12-17|website=RadioFreeEurope/RadioLiberty|language=en}}</ref> Tensions between the two nations skyrocketed between 2021 and 2022, when the [[Russian Armed Forces]] initiated [[Prelude to the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine|a large military build-up]] along its border with Ukraine. On 21 February 2022, Russia [[Address concerning the events in Ukraine|recognized]] the [[Donetsk People's Republic]] and the [[Luhansk People's Republic]], the two self-proclaimed breakaway states in Ukraine's [[Donbas]] region, controlled by pro-Russian separatists. Then on 24 February 2022, Russia [[Russian invasion of Ukraine|unleashed a full-scale invasion]] against Ukraine. During the full-scale invasion, as many as 300,000 Ukrainian children are believed to have been [[Child abductions in the == See also == * [[Derussification in Ukraine]] * ''[[Internationalism or * [[Geographical distribution of Russian speakers#Ukraine|Russophone Ukrainians]] * [[History of Ukraine]] Line 454 ⟶ 457: [[Category:Russification]] [[Category:Anti-Ukrainian sentiment]] [[Category:Language policy in Ukraine]] |