Editing Sanjurjada - Wikipedia

==Background==

==Background==

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 102-11543, Madrid, Ausrufung der Zweiten Spanischen Republik.jpg|thumb|left|[[Second Spanish Republic|Republic]] declared, 1931]]

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 102-11543, Madrid, Ausrufung der Zweiten Spanischen Republik.jpg|thumb|left|[[Second Spanish Republic|Republic]] declared, 1931]]

The Spanish military greeted the advent of the Republic with little enthusiasm, though also with no particular hostility. The officer corps tended to be rather monarchist than republican and rather conservative than liberal, but following last years of the [[Miguel Primo de Rivera|dictatorship]], which had compromised and discredited the army, most military men preferred to stay clear of politics.<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931–1936'', Madison 1993, {{ISBN|9780299136741}}, p. 96</ref> It was only when the new regime was set on a firmly leftward course and started to target the army for serious reform that voices of dissent started to be heard.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 96</ref> A [[Military reform of Manuel Azaña|series of reforms]], introduced since 1931 by the Prime Minister and the minister of war at the same time, [[Manuel Azaña]], was aimed at scaling down an overgrown officer corps, structural reform and bringing the armed forces firmly under the civilian control.<ref>Payne 1993, pp. 90-95</ref> This, combined with Azaña's patronising, if not contemptuous, rhetoric, proved fertile soil for growth of corporative disenchantment. The government confronted the dissent with few arrests, a number of personal reassignments and a handful of new regulations, which tightened its grip on the army further on.<ref>one of the regulations adopted in the spring of 1932 authorized the government to retire any general who remained for 6 months with no assignment; another empowered the cabinet to cancel the salary of military guilty of activity proscribed in Law on the Defense of the Republic; yet another ordered review of sentences decreed by the army court of honor prior to 1931, a move intended to counter supposed purges of left-wing officers, Payne 1993, p. 97</ref>

The Spanish military greeted the advent of the Republic with little enthusiasm, though also with no particular hostility. The officer corps tended to be rather monarchist than republican and rather conservative than liberal, but following last years of the [[Miguel Primo de Rivera|dictatorship]], which had compromised and discredited the army, most military men preferred to stay clear of politics.<ref>Stanley G. Payne, ''Spain's First Democracy: The Second Republic, 1931–1936'', Madison 1993, {{ISBN|9780299136741}}, p. 96</ref> It was only when the new regime was set on a firmly leftward course and started to target the army for serious reform that voices of dissent started to be heard.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 96</ref> A series of reforms, introduced since 1931 by the Prime Minister and the minister of war at the same time, [[Manuel Azaña]], was aimed at scaling down an overgrown officer corps, structural reform and bringing the armed forces firmly under the civilian control.<ref>Payne 1993, pp. 90-95</ref> This, combined with Azaña's patronising, if not contemptuous, rhetoric, proved fertile soil for growth of corporative disenchantment. The government confronted the dissent with few arrests, a number of personal reassignments and a handful of new regulations, which tightened its grip on the army further on.<ref>one of the regulations adopted in the spring of 1932 authorized the government to retire any general who remained for 6 months with no assignment; another empowered the cabinet to cancel the salary of military guilty of activity proscribed in Law on the Defense of the Republic; yet another ordered review of sentences decreed by the army court of honor prior to 1931, a move intended to counter supposed purges of left-wing officers, Payne 1993, p. 97</ref>

There is little indication that growing opposition among some of the generals was fuelled by ongoing political controversies, especially the problems of agrarian reform, relations between state and church, re-defining labor regulations and ambitions of peripheral nationalisms. It was rather politicians who attempted to bank on frustration of the military, some of them second-rank [[Alfonsism|Alfonsist]] monarchists, some of them [[Radical Party (Spain)|Republicans]] and some of them [[Carlists]]. A contemporary scholar distinguished between 3 different lobbying groups pursuing 3 paths: a "constitutional" revolt aimed at installing a new less radical regime, a coup leading to monarchist restoration and a technical "rectification" of the Republic, equidistant between the former two.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 97</ref> Another author suggests there were 2 strands, an Alfonsist one and a "constitutionalist" one,<ref>Nigel Townson, ''The Crisis of Democracy in Spain: Centrist Politics Under the Second Republic, 1931–1936'', Brighton 2000, {{ISBN|9781898723950}}, p. 131</ref> though initially all that was rather secondary to generally corporative nature of the growing dissatisfaction.

There is little indication that growing opposition among some of the generals was fuelled by ongoing political controversies, especially the problems of agrarian reform, relations between state and church, re-defining labor regulations and ambitions of peripheral nationalisms. It was rather politicians who attempted to bank on frustration of the military, some of them second-rank [[Alfonsism|Alfonsist]] monarchists, some of them [[Radical Party (Spain)|Republicans]] and some of them [[Carlists]]. A contemporary scholar distinguished between 3 different lobbying groups pursuing 3 paths: a "constitutional" revolt aimed at installing a new less radical regime, a coup leading to monarchist restoration and a technical "rectification" of the Republic, equidistant between the former two.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 97</ref> Another author suggests there were 2 strands, an Alfonsist one and a "constitutionalist" one,<ref>Nigel Townson, ''The Crisis of Democracy in Spain: Centrist Politics Under the Second Republic, 1931–1936'', Brighton 2000, {{ISBN|9781898723950}}, p. 131</ref> though initially all that was rather secondary to generally corporative nature of the growing dissatisfaction.

382 families deemed involved in the coup were expropriated; since almost all were landholders, their former estates became subject to agrarian reform.<ref>Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905</ref> Taking advantage of administrative measures available under the Republican law, provincial civil governors detained some 5,000 people for few days or at most few weeks.<ref>Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref> The government took advantage of the coup to crack down on most centers of perceived anti-Republican activity, either involved in the conspiracy or not: some 130 newspapers were closed, usually temporarily,<ref>Payne 1993, p. 100, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref> and most premises belonging to parties and organizations deemed involved were shut down.<ref>Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref>

382 families deemed involved in the coup were expropriated; since almost all were landholders, their former estates became subject to agrarian reform.<ref>Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905</ref> Taking advantage of administrative measures available under the Republican law, provincial civil governors detained some 5,000 people for few days or at most few weeks.<ref>Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref> The government took advantage of the coup to crack down on most centers of perceived anti-Republican activity, either involved in the conspiracy or not: some 130 newspapers were closed, usually temporarily,<ref>Payne 1993, p. 100, Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref> and most premises belonging to parties and organizations deemed involved were shut down.<ref>Martínez Bande 2011, p. 65</ref>

Azaña made sure that [[Cuerpo de Seguridad y Asalto|Guardia de Asalto]] was a reliable and loyal republican guard; the formation was further expanded to 10,000.<ref>Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905</ref> On the other hand, it was decided to decrease the powers of Minister of War and split control over other armed uniformed branches: [[Carabineros]], formation serving mostly as border guards and uninvolved in the coup, but since February 1932 headed by Sanjurjo, were moved to the Ministry of Finance and similarly, Guardia Civil were transferred to the Ministry of Interior.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 136</ref>

Azaña made sure that Guardia de Asalto was a reliable and loyal republican guard; the formation was further expanded to 10,000.<ref>Atienza Peñarrocha 2012, p. 905</ref> On the other hand, it was decided to decrease the powers of Minister of War and split control over other armed uniformed branches: [[Carabineros]], formation serving mostly as border guards and uninvolved in the coup, but since February 1932 headed by Sanjurjo, were moved to the Ministry of Finance and similarly, Guardia Civil were transferred to the Ministry of Interior.<ref>Payne 1993, p. 136</ref>

==Long-term impact==

==Long-term impact==