Juan Manuel de Rosas: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia


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{{Infobox governor

|honorific-prefix =

|name = Juan Manuel de Rosas

|honorific-suffix =

|image = Juan Manuel de Rosas by Descalzi.jpgpng

|alt =

|caption = Juan Manuel de Rosas around age 47, c.1840. Oil painting by [[Cayetano Descalzi]]

|order = 17th

|office = Governor of Buenos Aires Province

|term_start = March 7, March 1835

|term_end = 3 February 3, 1852

|predecessor = [[Manuel Vicente Maza]]

|successor = [[Vicente López y Planes]]

|order1 = 13th

|office1 = Governor of Buenos Aires Province

|term_start1 = December 8, December 1829

|term_end1 = December 17, December 1832

|predecessor1 = [[Juan José Viamonte]]

|successor1 = [[Juan Ramón Balcarce]]

|birth_date = March 30, March 1793

|birth_place = [[Buenos Aires]], [[Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata]]

|death_date = {{Death date and age|1877|3|14|1793|3|30|mf=y}}

|death_place = [[Southampton]], [[United Kingdom]]

|restingplace =

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|relations =

|children =

|residence =N

|alma_mater =

|occupation =

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|blank5 =

|data5 =

<!--Military service-->

|nickname = El Restaurador (The Restorer)

|allegiance = [[Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata]], [[Argentine Confederation]]

|branch =

|serviceyears =

|rank = [[Brigadier]]

|unit = Regiment of Migueletes

|commands = Militias of Buenos Aires

|battles = [[British invasions of the Rio de la Plata]]<br/>

[[Battle of Márquez Bridge]]<br/>

[[First Conquest of the Desert]]<br/>

[[Battle of Caseros]]

|awards =

}}

'''Juan Manuel de Rosas''' (March 30, 1793 – March 14, 1877), was an [[Argentine]] [[caudillo]] who served as governor of the Buenos Aires province and Supreme Chief of the [[Argentine Confederation]]. He was born to a wealthy family in the [[Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata]], but became a successful cattle ranching businessman by his own determination. A controversial figure, Rosas' support for both [[democracy]] and [[authoritarianism]] has baffled critics and historians, who to this day hold opposing views of the caudillo.{{citation needed|date=February 2013}}

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==Early life==

===Birth===

Juan Manuel José Domingo Ortiz de Rosas was born on 30 March 1793, in his family's town house in [[Buenos Aires]], capital of [[Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata]].{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=2}} He was the first child of León Ortiz de Rosas and Augustina López de Osornio.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=1}} León Ortiz, the son of an immigrant from the Spanish [[Province of Burgos]], had an undistinguished military career, but managed to marry into a wealthy [[Criollo people|Creole]] family. Juan Manuel de Rosas' greatest influence was his mother Augustina, a strong-willed and domineering woman who inherited her character traits from her father, "a tough warrior of the Indian frontier who had died weapons in hand defending his southern estate in 1783."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=1}}

[[File:Juan Manuel de niño.jpg|thumb|Portrait of Rosas as a child.]]

Juan Manuel José Domingo Ortiz de Rosas was born on 30 March 1793, in his family's town house in [[Buenos Aires]], capital of the [[Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata]].{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=2}} He was the first child of León Ortiz de Rosas and Augustina López de Osornio.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=1}} León Ortiz, the son of an immigrant from the Spanish [[Province of Burgos]], had an undistinguished military career, but managed to marry into a wealthy [[Criollo people|Creole]] family. Juan Manuel de Rosas' greatest influence was his mother Augustina, a strong-willed and domineering woman who inherited her character traits from her father, "a tough warrior of the Indian frontier who had died weapons in hand defending his southern estate in 1783."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=1}}

Rosas was schooled at home, as was common then. Later, at age 8, he was enrolled in the finest private school in Buenos Aires. His education was unremarkable, but appropriate to a son of wealthy landowners. According to historian [[John Lynch (historian)|John Lynch]], it "was supplemented by his own efforts in the years that followed. Rosas was not entirely unread, though the time, the place, and his own bias limited the choice of authors. He appears to have had a sympathetic, if superficial, acquaintance with minor political thinkers of French [[Absolute monarchy|absolutism]]."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=2}}

"When a [[British invasions of the Río de la Plata|British expedition invaded the Río de la Plata]] in 1806, Rosas was thirteen, an along with many others of his age, he served as an ammunition boy in the popular army that [[Santiago de Liniers, 1st Count of Buenos Aires|Santiago Liniers]] organized and that defeated the British in August of that year. In 1807 during the second British invasion, Rosas served in the Caballería de los Migueletes [Cavalry of the Migueletes], but he was probably absent from the campaign itself because of illness."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=3}}

===''Miguelete''===

In 1806, during the [[Napoleonic Wars]], Great Britain [[British invasions of the Rio de la Plata|invaded the Platine basin]] and captured Buenos Aires. [[Santiago de Liniers]], a French officer under Spanish military service, organized a counter-attack in [[Montevideo]]. Along with several friends, Juan Manuel de Rosas, aged 13, joined the forces of Liniers upon landing at Olivos. After the battle, Liniers wrote to the parents of Rosas to congratulate them for their son's bravery in the liberation of Buenos Aires.<ref>Smith, p. 78</ref>

===''Estanciero''===

Suspecting another British attack, Buenos Aires reorganized its defenses. Rosas, preferring the cavalry, joined the regiment of ''[[Miquelet (militia)|Migueletes]]'' with the rank of ensign. Prior to the conflict, he disarmed and captured an insubordinate drunk corporal, but later intervened before the military authorities to save him from a death sentence.<ref>Smith, p. 78-92</ref>

[[File:Gauchos resting in the pampas by Rugendas.jpg|thumb|right|250px|right|[[Gaucho]]s resting in the [[pampas]]. Oil painting by [[Johann Moritz Rugendas]]]]

With the British invasions rebuffed, Rosas departed from Buenos Aires with his parents and went to work in his family ''estancia'' (farm). There he learned the framework of Hispanic-American society in the [[Río de la Plata Basin|Platine region]], which would further shape his character. In the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata owners of large landholdings such as Rosas' family provided food, equipment and protection for themselves and for families living in areas under their control. Their private defense forces consisted primarily of laborers who were drafted as soldiers. These [[peon]]s, as the workers were called, were mostly [[gaucho]]s.{{efn-ua|[[Robert Bontine Cunninghame Graham]] described them as "herdsmen, who lived on horseback... In their great plains, roamed over by enormous herds of cattle, and countless horses in semi-feral state, each Gaucho lived in his own reed-built ''rancho'' [ranch] daubed with mud to make its weathertight often without another neighbor nearer than a league away. His wife and children and possibly two or three other herdsmen, usually unmarried, to help him in the management of the cattle, made up his society. Generally he had some cattle of his own, and possibly a flock of sheep; but the great herds belonged to some proprietor who perhaps lived two or three leagues away."{{harv|Graham|1933|pp=121–122}}}}

For the white Spanish-descendant landed aristocracy, the illiterate and mixed-race gauchos, who comprised the majority of the population, were an ungovernable and untrustworthy kind. They were treated with with contempt by landowners, but tolerated since there was no other [[labor force]] available. Albeit harsh and authoritarian, Rosas got along well with the gauchos under his service. He dressed liked them, joked with them, took part in ther horse-play, shared their habits and paid them well.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=45–46}} However, he never allowed them to forget that he was not of them, but their master.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=46}} Rosas was, according to Lynch, "a man of conservative instincts, a creature of the colonial society in which he had been formed, a defender of authority and hierarchy."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=40}} He was, thus, no more than a product of his time and not at all unlike the other great landowners of the Río de la Plata.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=38–39}}

During the second British invasion, Rosas fought in the [[Battle of Miserere]], which gained him further praises from Liniers who even proposed sending Rosas to pursue a military career in Spain. Nevertheless, having lost her father and a brother in military conflicts against Amerindians, Agustina disagreed with Liniers. At his mother's request, Rosas declined Liniers' offer. Soon thereafter, following Liniers' promotion to viceroy and the appointment of [[Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros]] as commander of the ''Migueletes'', Rosas left the regiment.<ref>Smith, p. 78-92</ref>

"From 1811, he concentrated on the administration of his parents' estates, taking no salary, only the opportunity to learn. He married in 1813... His wife, Encarnación Ezcurra y Arguibel, belonged to an upper-class family of Buenos Aires and, like her husband, had been born to wealth and status. Shortly after his marriage, Rosas left his parent's state and employment in order to work on his own account and fashion an independent career, first in the meat-salting industry, then in the accumulation of land."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=3}} As the years passed he became a ''estanciero'' (farmer) himself, purchasing lands while establishing a successful partnership with his second cousins, the Anchorenas.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=2, 8, 26}} By 1830, he owned 300,000 head of cattle and 70 squares leagues (420,000 acres) of land, occuping the tenth place among the largest landowners in the [[Buenos Aires Province|province of Buenos Aires]] (where the city of the same name was located).{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=26–27}} "He obtained results not by innovation but by work, organization, and meticulousness... If his technology was deficient, however, his organization was impeccable, and in mobilizing labor, he had no equal."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=28}}

===''Estanciero''===

With the British invasions rebuffed, Rosas departed from Buenos Aires with his parents to work in his family ''estancia'' (farm). There he learned the framework of [[Hispanic America]]n society in the [[Río de la Plata Basin|Platine region]], which further shaped his character. In the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, owners of large landholdings (such as Rosas' family) provided food, equipment, and protection for themselves and for families living in areas under their control. Their private defense forces consisted primarily of laborers who were drafted as soldiers. These [[peon]]s, as the workers were called, were mostly [[gaucho]]s.{{efn-ua|[[Robert Bontine Cunninghame Graham]] described them as "herdsmen, who lived on horseback... In their great plains, roamed over by enormous herds of cattle, and countless horses in semi-feral state, each Gaucho lived in his own reed-built ''rancho'' [ranch] daubed with mud to make its weathertight often without another neighbor nearer than a league away. His wife and children and possibly two or three other herdsmen, usually unmarried, to help him in the management of the cattle, made up his society. Generally he had some cattle of his own, and possibly a flock of sheep; but the great herds belonged to some proprietor who perhaps lived two or three leagues away."{{harv|Graham|1933|pp=121–122}}}} Albeit harsh and authoritarian, Rosas befriended the gauchos under his service. He dressed liked them, joked with them, took part in their horseplay, shared their habits, and paid them well.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=45–46}} Rosas was, according to Lynch, "a man of conservative instincts, a creature of the colonial society in which he had been formed, a defender of authority and hierarchy."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=40}}

In 1811, Rosas became administrator of his parents' domains, "taking no salary, only the opportunity to learn." Two years later, in 1813, he married Encarnación Ezcurra y Arguibel, a wealthy woman from "an upper-class family of Buenos Aires." Soon thereafter, Rosas left his family's home to work on his own, "first in the meat-salting industry, then in the accumulation of land."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=3}} As the years passed he became an ''estanciero'' (farmer) himself, purchasing lands while establishing a successful partnership with his second cousins, the Anchorenas.{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=2, 8, 26}} By 1830, he owned 300,000 head of cattle and 70 squares leagues (420,000 acres) of land, occupying tenth place among the largest landowners in the [[Buenos Aires Province|province of Buenos Aires]] (where the city of the same name was located).{{sfn|Lynch|2001|pp=26–27}} "He obtained results not by innovation but by work, organization, and meticulousness... If his technology was deficient, however, his organization was impeccable, and in mobilizing labor, he had no equal."{{sfn|Lynch|2001|p=28}}

==Rise to power==

===Unitarian–Federalist strife===

[[File:Gauchos and feral horses by Rugendas.jpg|thumb|left|250px|right|Gauchos hunting [[feral horse]]s. The former served in the private army of Rosas]]

In 1820, during the Brazilian invasion of the [[Banda Oriental]], provincial [[caudillo]]s [[Estanislao López]] and [[Francisco Ramírez (governor)|Francisco Ramírez]] joined forces and advanced on Buenos Aires. The [[Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata|Supreme Director]] [[José Rondeau]] requested [[José de San Martín]] and [[Manuel Belgrano]] to return to Buenos Aires with the [[Army of the Andes]] and the [[Army of the North]], but San Martín stayed in Peru to keep fighting against the Royalists, and the Army of the North mutinied to avoid joining the [[Argentine Civil War]]. Buenos Aires had weak local defenses, which were defeated during the [[battle of Cepeda (1820)|battle of Cepeda]]. The authority of the Supreme Directors was terminated.

Ranchers feared that the ongoing events would lead to [[anarchy]], and organized a regiment of gauchos to face the situation. Rosas was trusted to lead them. He promoted the designation of [[Martín Rodríguez (politician)|Martín Rodríguez]] as governor of Buenos Aires, and negotiated with López his return to Santa Fe in exchange of 25,000 cattle. This started a strong relation between Rosas and López, which lasted for years.

===The Anarchy of the year XX===

Buenos Aires was attacked in 1820 by provincial caudillos [[Estanislao López]] and [[Francisco Ramírez (governor)|Francisco Ramírez]] from the Entre Ríos and Santa Fe provinces, who rejected the centralism of the [[Argentine Constitution of 1819]] and the inaction of Buenos Aires during the [[Luso-Brazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental (1816)|Luso-Brazilian invasion of the Banda Oriental]]. The constitution was repealed, the [[Congress of Tucumán]] was closed and the authority of the [[Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata|Supreme Directors]] ended. This period was known as "The Anarchy of the year XX".

Ramírez and López signed the [[Treaty of Pilar]] with Buenos Aires and returned to their provinces, but López renewed the attack. Juan Manuel de Rosas organized rural militias of 500 horsemen in support of the governor [[Manuel Dorrego]], with an army of 2,000 men. They defeated López, but disagreed on the following action: Dorrego wanted to pursuit López into Santa Fe, and Rosas to secure the borders. Dorrego was defeated in the next battle. Rosas supported the appointment of [[Martín Rodríguez (politician)|Martín Rodríguez]] as governor of Buenos Aires, and mediated in the peace negotiations. López returned to Santa Fe in exchange of 25,000 cattle, that Rosas provided from his own ranches. This led to the [[Treaty of Benegas]] between Santa Fe and Buenos Aires.<ref>Luna, pp. 39-43</ref>

===Decembrist revolution===

{{main|Decembrist revolution (Argentina)|l1=Decembrist revolution}}

[[File:Fusilamiento de Dorrego.jpg|thumb|Execution of [[Manuel Dorrego]] by [[Juan Lavalle]].]]

A new constituent assembly wrote a new constitution and appointed [[Bernardino Rivadavia]] as [[president of Argentina]], but the constitution was rejected by the provinces and Rivadavia resigned. [[Vicente López y Planes]] was appointed interim president during the transition back to a confederated state; Rosas was appointed general commander of the militias of Buenos Aires during his brief rule. Manuel Dorrego was appointed governor again.<ref>Luna, pp. 46-48</ref>

Years later, [[Bernardino Rivadavia]] resigned as [[president of Argentina]], incapable of securing the military victory in the [[Cisplatine War]], and [[Manuel Dorrego]] was chosen as governor of Buenos Aires. Under his rule, Rosas would be promoted to commander of the militias of Buenos Aires. However, the armies returning from Brazil turned against Dorrego, and [[Juan Lavalle]] executed him and conducted a coup against the government of Buenos Aires. The [[Unitarian Party|Unitarians]] started a reign of terror, aiming to destroy all [[Federales (Argentina)|Federalists]]. In 1829, because of higher death rates than births the demographic growth was negative. During that time, [[José de San Martín]] had returned from Europe, but disgusted with the new political situation, he refused to leave the ship and returned to Europe.

[[Juan Lavalle]], leading the troops that returned from the [[Cisplatine War]], made a military coup against Dorrego. As it took place in December 1, 1828, it was known as the "Decembrist revolution". Dorrego and most federals left the city, joining the militias of Rosas. Rosas and Dorrego disagreed on the battle plan: Rosas wanted to move to Santa Fe, be reinforced by López and wait for the summoning of the people of the countryside; and Dorrego wanted to give battle immediately. They divided their forces, Dorrego was first defeated and then captured and executed. The execution generated a huge controversy in Buenos Aires, and Rosas and López defeaed Lavalle at the [[battle of Márquez Bridge]], so he tried to negotiate peace.<ref>Luna, pp. 50-54</ref>

The other provinces did not recognize Lavalle as a legitimate governor, and supported the Rosist resistance instead. Lavalle was defeated a short time later at the [[Battle of Márquez Bridge]] by the forces of Rosas and López. López returned to Santa Fe, which was menaced by [[José María Paz]], while Rosas kept Lavalle under siege and forced him to resign with the [[Cañuelas pact]]. [[Juan José Viamonte]] was designated as governor, and the legislature removed during Lavalle's revolution was restored. This legislature then elected Rosas as governor.

Lavalle visited Rosas' headquarters and negotiated the [[Cañuelas Pact]] with him. [[Juan José Viamonte]] was appointed interim governor with the support of both factions, and the legislature (closed during the revolution) was restored. This legislature appointed Rosas as the new governor, as well as giving him the rank of brigadier. But although the unitarians had been defeated in the Buenos Aires province, the [[Unitarian League]] was still a military threat from other provinces.<ref>Luna, pp. 55-59</ref>

== First government ==

===Governor of Buenos Aires===

{{disputed-section|date=February 2013}}

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He had a successful and popular first term, but refused to run for a second even though public support was strong.<ref name="Crow"/>

== Return to the Pampas ==

===First Conquest of the Desert===

{{main|First Conquest of the Desert}}

[[File:PrimerArgentine Conquistasoldiers delunder DesiertoIndian attack by Rugendas.jpg|thumb|left|Juan250px|right|Indians Manuelattacking deArgentine Rosassoldiers during(gauchos from the [[Firstmilitia). ConquestOne of the Desert]].Indians has forcibly taken a woman]]

After his resignation as governor, Rosas left Buenos Aires and started the [[first Conquest of the Desert]], to expand and secure the farming territories and prevent indigenous attacks. Rosas was aware that [[Malón|malones]] were not done because of evil desires but because of the lacking lifestyle condition of the indigenous peoples.{{citation needed|date=June 2011}} As a result, he had preference for a policy of doing pacts or giving gifts or bribes to the caciques before employing military force. The hostile [[ranquel]] cacique Yanquetruz was replaced by Payné, who became a Rosas ally. Juan Manuel, in turn, adopted his son and raised him at his estancia. The [[pehuenche]] Cafulcurá was made colonel and allowed to distribute large numbers of gifts among his people; in turn, he made the compromise of not making any more malones. On the other hand, caciques like the pehuenche Chocorí who defied Rosas were defeated.

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Even being absent, the political influence of Rosas in Buenos Aires was still strong, and his wife [[Encarnación Ezcurra]] was in charge of keeping good relations with the peoples of the city. On October 11, 1833, the city was filled with announcements of a trial against Rosas. A large number of gauchos and poor people made the [[Revolution of the Restorers]], a demonstration at the gates of the legislature, praising Rosas and demanding the resignation of governor [[Juan Ramón Balcarce]]. The troops organized to fight the demonstration mutinied and joined it. The legislature finally gave up the trial, and a month later ousted Balcarce and replaced him with [[Juan José Viamonte]]. The Revolution also led to the creation of the [[Sociedad Popular Restauradora]], also known as "''Mazorca''".

==Later life==

== Second government ==

===Second government===

{{disputed-section|date=February 2013}}

[[File:Rosas, por Molino 2.jpg|thumb|right|200px|Profile view of Rosas at age 42, 1835]]

The weak governments of Balcarce and Viamonte led the legislature to request Rosas to take the government once more. For doing so he requested the [[sum of public power]], which the legislature denied four times. Rosas even resigned as commander of militias to influence the legislature. The context changed with the social commotion generated by the death of [[Facundo Quiroga]], responsibility for which is disputed (different authors attribute it to [[Estanislao López]], the Reinafé brothers, or Rosas himself). The legislature accepted then to give him the sum of public power. Even so, Rosas requested confirmation on whenever the people agreed with it, so the legislature organized a [[referendum]] about it. Every free man within the [[age of majority]] living in the city was allowed to vote for "Yes" or "No": 9.316 votes supported the release of the sum of public power on Rosas, and only 4 rejected it. There are divided opinions on the topic: [[Domingo Faustino Sarmiento]] compared Rosas with historical [[dictator]]s, while [[José de San Martín]] considered that the situation in the country was so chaotic that a strong authority was needed to create order.

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The people who opposed Rosas formed a group called ''Asociacion de Mayo'' or May Brotherhood. It was a literary group that became politically active and aimed at exposing Rosas' actions. Some of the literature against him includes ''The Slaughter House'', ''Socialist Dogma'', ''Amalia'' and ''Facundo''. Meetings which had high attendance at first soon had few members attending out of fear of prosecution. Rosas' opponents during his rule were [[dissidents]], such as [[José María Paz]], [[Salvador M. del Carril]], [[Juan Bautista Alberdi]], [[Esteban Echeverria]], [[Bartolomé Mitre]] and [[Domingo Faustino Sarmiento]].<ref name="Crow">Crow</ref> Rosas political opponents were exiled to other countries, such as [[Uruguay]] and [[Chile]].

==== First French blockade ====

{{Main|French blockade of the Río de la Plata}}

[[File:Manuel Oribe por Rose.jpg|thumb|Uruguayan president [[Manuel Oribe]], ousted by the rebel [[Fructuoso Rivera]]. Rosas recognized him as the legitimate Uruguayan president, and sought to restore him in power.]]

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Rivera was urged by France to take military action against Rosas, but he was reluctant to do so, considering that the French underestimated his strength, even more after Santa Cruz's defeat. As a result, they elected [[Juan Lavalle]] to lead the attack, who asked not to share command with Rivera. As a result, each led his own army. His imminent attack was backed up by conspiracies in Buenos Aires, which were discovered and aborted by the Mazorca. [[Manuel Vicente Maza]] and his son were among the conspirators, and were executed as a result. Pedro Castelli also organized an ill-fated demonstration against Rosas, and was executed as well. Rosas did not wait to be attacked, and ordered [[Pascual Echagüe]] to cross the Parana river and move the fight to Uruguay. The Uruguayan armies split: Rivera returned to defend Montevideo, and Lavalle moved to Entre Ríos alone. He expected that local populations would join him against Rosas and increase his forces, but he found severe resistance, so he moved to Corrientes. Ferré defeated López, and Rivera defeated Echagüe, leaving Lavalle a clear path towards Buenos Aires. However, by that point France had lost faith in the effectiveness of the blockade, as what had been thought would be an easy and short conflict was turning into a long, possibly unwinnable, war. France started to negotiate for peace with the Confederation, and removed financial support from Lavalle. He found no help from local towns either, and there was strong desertion in his ranks. Buenos Aires was ready to resist Lavalle's attack, but his lack of support forced him to withdraw.

====The Civilcivil war continues ====

[[File:General José M Paz.jpg|thumb|Rosas and López spared the life of [[José María Paz]], but he broke his oath and took arms against them after escaping from prison.]]

The unitarians and colorados (federalists) kept up their hostilities against Rosas, even after the defeat of France. The new plan was that Ferré and Rivera, in Corrientes and Uruguay, would create a new army, while Lavalle and Lamadrid moved to the north. Lavalle would move to La Rioja and distract the Federal armies, while Lamadrid organized another army at Tucumán. By this time José María Paz had escaped from his imprisonment. Rosas spared his life because he had sworn never to attack the Confederation again, but he broke his oath. His presence benefited the anti-Rosas forces, but also generated internal strife: Ferré gave him the command of the armies of Corrientes, which Rivera did not like. Rivera even accused Paz of being a spy of Rosas. Nevertheless, the combined forces of Paz, Rivera and unitarian ships at the river had the federal forces of Echague at Santa Fe surrounded. To counter the unitarian naval supremacy [[Guillermo Brown]] organized a naval squadron; it defeated captain Coe at Santa Lucía.

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Rosas was again in a weak position, and would not have been able to resist an attack. But Paz, Ferré, Rivera and López had conflicting battle plans, and their armies did not move, which gave Oribe time to return from the north. The forces of Santa Fe refused to fight for the unitarians, and massive defection reduced López's armies from 2.500 men to 500. He was easily defeated at Coronda and Paso Aguirre. Ferré was finally interested in Rivera's federation, and put Paz aside. Rivera and Oribe, both considering themselves rightful presidents of Uruguay, would battle. The [[battle of Arroyo Grande]] was a decisive victory for Oribe, and Rivera barely escaped alive. The unitarian threat to Rosas had been again removed.

==== Anglo-French blockade ====

{{main|Anglo-French blockade of the Río de la Plata}}

[[File:Batalla de la Vuelta de Obligado.jpg|thumb|The [[Battle of Vuelta de Obligado]].]]

After the victory of Oribe at Arroyo Grande, Britain and France intervened in the conflict. Their ambassadors, Mandeville and De Lurde, demanded that Rosas retreat from Uruguayan territory. Rosas did not reply, and ordered Brown to support Oribe by blockading Montevideo. British commodore John Brett Purvis attacked the Argentine navy, taking over the vessels. Mandeville and De Lurde were replaced by Ousley and Deffaudis. The public purposes of the Anglo-French intervention were to protect the Uruguayan independence against Oribe, defend the recently-proclaimed independence of Paraguay, and end the civil wars in the La Plata River region. But there were also secret purposes: to turn Montevideo into a "commercial factory", to force the free navigation of the rivers, to turn the [[Mesopotamia, Argentina|Argentine Mesopotamia]] into a new country, to set the borders of Uruguay, Paraguay and the Mesopotamia (without Brazilian intervention), and to help the anti-rosists to depose the governor of Buenos Aires and install one loyal to the European powers instead.{{citation needed|date=June 2011}}

The European powers needed a convincing argument to justify a declaration of war. To this end, Florencio Varela requested that former Federalist [[José Rivera Indarte]] write a list of crimes that Rosas could be blamed for. The French firm Lafone & Co paid him with a penny for each death listed. The list, named ''[[Blood tables]]'', included deaths caused by military actions of the unitarians (including Lavalle's invasion of Buenos Aires), soldiers shot during wartime because of mutiny, treason or espionage, victims of common crimes and even people who were still alive. He also listed [[Nomen nescio|Nomen nescio (NN)]] deaths (unidentified people); some entries were listed more than once. He also blamed Rosas for the death of [[Facundo Quiroga]]. With all this, Indarte listed 480 deaths, and was paid with two [[pounds sterling]] (about £140 in 2011 based on the retail price index, or £1500 based on average earnings<ref>[http://www.measuringworth.com/ukcompare/result.php Historical value of money converter]</ref>). He tried to add to the list 22,560 deaths, the number caused by military conflicts in Argentina from 1829 to that date, but the French refused to pay for them. Indarte wrote in his libel that "it is a holy action to kill Rosas". Lafone & Co, who paid for the Blood tables, had control of Uruguayan customs, and would have greatly benefited from a new blockade of Buenos Aires. {{citation needed|date=April 2011|reason=for whole paragraphpara on Indarte's inflated claims}} In March 1841, Indarte was the mastermind behind a failed bid against Rosas life, which consisted in sending him a firing device concealed in a diplomatic box, known as ''La Máquina Infernal'' ("The Infernal Machine").<ref>[http://www.lagazeta.com.ar/maquina_infernal.htm ''La Máquina Infernal''] {{es}}</ref>

[[Giuseppe Garibaldi]], commanding an Italian group, started hostilities by occupying Colonia del Sacramento and Isla Martín García, and led the controversial sack of Gualeguaychú. With the Uruguay river secured, the Anglo-French navy intended to control the Paraná river as well. Worried by the gravity of the danger, Rosas instructed [[Lucio Mancilla]] to fortify a section of the Parana to prevent the foreign navy from going any further. A similar study had been made years earlier by [[Hipólito Vieytes]] during the [[Argentine War of Independence]], finding that a good strategic point was in [[Obligado (Buenos Aires)|Obligado]].

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Although the Anglo-French force defeated Argentine forces, the cost of victory proved excessive in light of the ferocious resistance from the Argentines. As a result, the British sought to exit from the confrontation, followed later by their French allies. After long negotiations, Britain, and then France, agreed to lift the blockade. Both countries made a 21-gun salute to the flag of Argentina. Both treaties are viewed as a considerable triumph for General Rosas as it was the first time the emerging South American nations were able to impose their will on two European Empires.

== =Decline and fall ===

[[File:Caseros.jpg||alt=The throes of battle: Several regiments of uniformed foot soldiers marching in formation, some are fighting. Officers on horseback are leading the troops. Large buildings are in the background.|thumb|left|300px|Rendition of the [[Battle of Caseros]], February, 1852. Rosas' defeat at Caseros resulted in his overthrow and exile.]]

[[File:Rosas 2.jpg|alt=|thumb|right|An older Juan Manuel de Rosas.]]

With the victory over Britain and France and the decline of the resistance in Montevideo, the civil war began to near its end, and several people who had fled from the country began to return to it. Rosas' tenure as governor was to end in 1850, but the legislature of Buenos Aires reelected him once more, rejecting his resignation. Several other provinces manifested their desire to keep Rosas in power: Córdoba, Salta, Mendoza, San Luis, Santa Fe, Catamarca. However, [[Justo José de Urquiza]], governor of Entre Ríos, had growing conflicts with Rosas, and sought to depose him. For this purpose, he began to seek allies to reinforce him. His only support within the country was from Benjamín Virasoro, governor of Corrientes. Montevideo welcomed Urquiza's support, but Paraguay refused to join forces with him. On May 1, 1851, Urquiza announced that he accepted Rosas' resignation, retrieving for Entre Ríos the power to manage international relations delegated on Buenos Aires. Without ships, Urquiza sought the help of the Empire of Brazil as well. However, he thought that the Brazilian help would be of little use, and only agreed to accept them by the intervention of Herrera.<ref>Ruiz Moreno, pp. 561–577</ref>

Urquiza began his military campaign in Uruguay, attacking the forces of [[Manuel Oribe]]. With the new military conflict, Rosas declined his resignation request. Without further support from Buenos Aires, Oribe was finally defeated, and his forces incorporated to those of Urquiza.<ref>Ruiz Moreno, pp. 577–595</ref>

Rosas took the personal command of the forces of Buenos Aires, being critiziced by his generals Lucio Mansilla and Ángel Pacheco for his passivity. He did not attack Entre Ríos during Urquiza's campaign in Uruguay, when his forces would have had the advantage, and spent his time with trivial concerns. Entre Ríos, Corrientes, Brazil and Uruguay agreed the actions against Rosas in the secured Montevideo, where Entre Ríos and Corrientes would lead the operation and Uruguay and Brazil would provide only auxiliar armies. Urquiza defeated Rosas in the [[Battle of Caseros]], on February 3, 1852.<ref>Ruiz Moreno, pp. 595–650</ref>

== Life in exile ==

Rosas spent the rest of his life in exile, in the [[United Kingdom]], as a farmer in [[Southampton]]. He was resident at "Rockstone Lodge" No.8 [[Carlton Crescent]] (now known as "Ambassador House") from 1852 until 1865 when he moved to Burgess Street Farm.<ref>{{cite book |last=Coles |first=R. J. |title=Southampton's Historic Buildings|year=1981|publisher=City of Southampton Society|accessdate=23 March 2012 |page=19}}</ref>

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{{lang-en|Rosas, Sir, that tyrant, that barbarian, so barbaric and cruel, was not considered as such by the European and civilized nations, and this assessment by the European and civilized nations, when it is told to posterity, will call into question, at least, the barbaric and execrable tyranny that Rosas exercised among us. It is therefore necessary to make a legislative sanction declaring him guilty of treason so that this fact is recorded in history, and ensure that the most powerful court, that is the court of the people, which is the voice of the sovereign people whom we represent, casts a curse on the monster by labeling him a traitor and guilty of treason against his country... Judgements like these should not be left to history... What will be said, what can be said in history when it is seen that the civilized nations of the world, to whom we are only a dot ... have recognized in this tyrant a being worthy of dealing with them?, that England returned his guns taken in military action, and saluted his flag, bloody and stained with innocent blood, with a 21-gun salute?. This known fact in history, would be a great contradiction, sir, if we do not take this decision regarding Rosas. France itself, which began the crusade, in which General Lavalle was involved and who, in time also abandoned the crusade, had dealings with Rosas and saluted his flag with 21 cannon shots ... I wonder, sir, if this will not erase all we may have to say from history, if we do not have a ruling against this monster that has decimated us for so many years ... We cannot leave Rosas to history, as some would prefer ... It is clear that the judgment of the tyrant, Rosas, cannot be left to history ... Let's cast on Rosas this curse, perhaps it is the only thing that can harm him in history, because otherwise his tyranny and his crimes must always be doubtful ... What will be said in history, sir? and this is really sad to say, what will be said in history when it is told that the brave general Brown, the hero of the navy in the war of independence, was the admiral who defended the rights of Rosas? What will be said in history without this curse, when it is said that this man who contributed his talents to give glory and brightness to the May sun, that this Congressman recalled in his speech, that it was said that General San Martin, the conqueror of the Andes, the father of the Argentine glories, paid him the greatest honour a soldier could receive, bequeathing to him his sword? Will his tyranny be believed, sir, if we do not place this curse on the tyrant, Rosas? Will it be believed 20 or 50 years from now, if you wish to go further, that he was a tyrant when it is known that Brown and San Martin served him faithfully and that France and England paid him the most respectful tributes? No, sir, they will say, the savage Unitarians, his enemies lied. He was not a tyrant: far from it, he was a great man, a great General. It is imperative that we declare the curse on the monster without any delay ... Would to God we had imitated the English people that dragged Cromwell's body through the streets of London and likewise dragged Rosas through the streets of Buenos Aires! ... Mr. President, I support the project. If the judgment of Rosas was left to the judgment of history, Rosas won't be condemned as a tyrant, but perhaps he may be labeled as the greatest and most glorious of Argentines.}}|group=upper-alpha}} President [[Bartolomé Mitre]], enemy of Rosas, began this work by writing historical biographies highly critical of the ''caudillos'',<ref>Johnson, pp. 111-112</ref> and creating a pantheon of national heroes to emulate. Establishing as well the newspaper [[La Nación]] and the [[National Academy of History of Argentina]], his view of history became mainstream.<ref>Goebel, p. 29</ref>

Historians began to weaken their ties with political power in the 1880 decade and wrote neutral works, avoiding the pro-Unitarian bias of the previous works.<ref name="Goebel30">Goebel, p. 30</ref> [[Adolfo Saldías]] wrote the first full biography of Rosas from a dispassionated point of view; Mitre criticizedcritized it from a political perspective but praised it as a historical work.<ref name="Goebel30"/> [[Ernesto Quesada]] made a new work with a positive tone about Rosas, which employed the ample archives kept by the family of Rosas. They are considered the first [[Historical revisionism|revisionist]] historians of Argentina.<ref>Johnson, p. 113</ref> Thus, the hegemony of the mitrist view of history began to decline.<ref name="Goebel30"/>

Historians became more independent in the 1910 decade, and established the "New School". Authors like Ravignani, Levene, Molinari and Carbia, whose generation came from the [[Great European immigration wave to Argentina]] rather from families in the country, had no involvement with the old disputes and sought to base their works on the usage of [[primary source]]s and unified standards rather than in the politics or social prestige of the authors.<ref>Goebel, p. 32</ref>

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==Legacy==

{{disputed-section|date=February 2013}}

{{see also|Repatriation of Juan Manuel de Rosas's body}}

[[File:20pesos.jpg|thumb|Banknote of 20 [[Argentine peso]]s, featuring Rosas.]]

De Rosas was initially buried in Southampton Old Cemetery until his body was exhumed in 1989 and [[Repatriation of Juan Manuel de Rosas's body|repatriated]] to the [[La Recoleta Cemetery]] in Argentina. His tomb remains as a memorial.<ref>{{cite book |last= Johnson|first= Lyman|authorlink= |title= Death, dismemberment, and memory: body politics in Latin America|url= |accessdate= |year= 2004|publisher= University of New Mexico Press|location= United States|isbn= 0-8263-3200-5|page= |pages=108-122}}</ref>

The date of November 20, anniversary of the [[battle of Vuelta de Obligado]], has been declared "[[Day of National Sovereignty]]" of Argentina, following a request by [[Historical revisionism|revisionist]] historian [[José María Rosa]].<ref>[http://www1.hcdn.gov.ar/proyxml/expediente.asp?fundamentos=si&numexp=4574-D-2010 ''H.Cámara de diputados de la Nación'']</ref><ref>[http://www.educared.org.ar/CAL_EDU/11/11_20.ASP ''Día de la soberanía nacional'']</ref> This observance day was raised in 2010 to a [[Public holidays in Argentina|public holiday]] by [[Cristina Fernández de Kirchner]].<ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/nota.asp?nota_id=1321208 Por decreto, el Gobierno incorporó nuevos feriados al calendario] {{es}}</ref> Rosas has been included in the banknotes of 20 [[Argentine peso]]s, with his face and his daughter [[Manuela Rosas]] in the front and a depiction of the battle of Vuelta de Obligado in the back. A monument of Rosas, 15 meters tall and with a weight of three tons, has been erected in 1999 in the city of Buenos Aires, at the conjunction of the "Libertador" and "Sarmiento" avenues.<ref>[http://www.lanacion.com.ar/159134 ''Emplazaron en Palermo una estatua de Juan Manuel de Rosas'']</ref>

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== See also ==

{{Portal|Argentina|Biography}}

*[[Argentine Civil War]]

*[[List of heads of state of Argentina]]

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{{refbegin|colwidth=30em}}

* {{cite book | last = Bethell | first =Leslie | authorlink=Leslie Bethell | title =Argentina since independence | volume = | year =1993 | publisher =Cambridge University Press | location =Cambridge | isbn =0-521-43376-2 | ref = harv }}

* {{cite book

|title= Historia de la Historiografía Argentina

|last= Devoto

|first= Fernando

|authorlink= Fernando Devoto

|coauthors= Nora Pagano

|year= 2009

|publisher= Sudamericana

|location= Buenos Aires

|isbn= 978-950-07-3076-1

|language= Spanish}}

* {{cite book | last =Goebel | first =Michael | title =Argentina's Partisan Past: Nationalism and the Politics of History | volume = | year =2011 | publisher =Liverpool University Press | location =Liverpool | isbn =9781846312380 | ref = harv }}

* {{cite book | last = Graham | first = Robert Bontine Cunninghame | authorlink1 = Robert Bontine Cunninghame Graham | title = Portrait of a dictator | year = 1933 | publisher = William Heinemann | location = London | isbn = | ref = harv }}

* {{cite book

|last= Johnson

|first= Lyman

|title= Death, dismemberment, and memory: body politics in Latin America

|year= 2004

|publisher= University of New Mexico Press

|location= United States

|url=http://books.google.com.ar/books?id=KYsMYcZlXf8C&printsec=frontcover&dq=Death,+dismemberment,+and+memory:+body+politics+in+Latin+America&hl=en&sa=X&ei=RFzzUPqKI8jj0gHQ6IAI&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAA#v=onepage&q&f=false

|isbn= 0-8263-3200-5}}

* {{cite book

|title= Imposturas históricas e identidad nacional

|last= Lascano

|first= Marcelo

|authorlink= Marcelo Lascano

|year= 2005

|publisher= El Ateneo

|location= Buenos Aires

|isbn= 950-02-5900-1

|language= Spanish}}

* {{cite book |last= Luna|first= Félix|authorlink= |title= Grandes protagonistas de la historia argentina: Juan Manuel de Rosas|url= |accessdate= |year= 2004|publisher= Grupo Editorial Planeta|location= Argentina|isbn= 950-49-1251-6|page= |pages=}}

* {{cite book | last =Lynch | first =John | authorlink=John Lynch (historian) | title =Argentine Caudillo: Juan Manuel de Rosas | volume = | edition =2 | year =2001 | publisher =SR Books | location =Wilmington, Delaware | isbn =0-8420-2897-8 | ref = harv }}

* {{cite book |last= Rein|first= Mónica Esti|authorlink= |title= Politics and Education in Argentina: 1946-1962|url= http://books.google.com.ar/books?id=LIIMwr2nPGQC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false|accessdate= |year= 1998|publisher= M.E.Sharpe inc.|location= United States|isbn= 0-7656-0209-1|page= |pages=}}

* {{cite book |last= Ruiz Moreno|first= Isidoro J.|authorlink= |title= Campañas Militares Argentinas II|year= 2006|publisher= Emece|location= Buenos Aires|isbn= 950-04-2794-X}}

* {{cite book

|title= Con Rosas o contra Rosas

|last= Félix Luna, Arturo Jauretche, Benjamín Villegas Basavilbaso, Jaime Gálvez, León Rebollo Paz, Fermín Chávez, José Antonio Ginzo, Luis Soler Cañas, Arturo Capdevilla, Julio Irazusta, Enrique de Gandia, Ernesto Palacio, Bernardo González Arrili, Emilio Ravignani, José Antonio Saldías, Arturo Orgaz, Manuel Gálvez, Diego Luis Molinari, Ricardo Font Ezcurra, Héctor Pedro Blomberg, Ramón Doll, Adolfo Mitre, Rafael Padilla Rorbón, Alberto Gerchunoff, Mariano Bosch, Ramón de Castro Ortega, Carlos Steffens Soler, Julio Donato Álvarez, Roberto de Laferrere, Justiniano de la Fuente, Federico Barbará, Ricardo Caballero

|year= 2010

|publisher= H. Garetto Editor

|location= Santa Fe

|isbn= 978-987-1493-15-9

|language= Spanish}}

{{refend}}

==External links==

{{Commons category}}

{{Portal box|Argentina|Biography}}

* [http://www.lagazeta.com.ar/historiografia.htm Rosas en la historiografía Argentina] {{es}}

* [http://portal.educ.ar/debates/protagonistas/historia/juan-manuel-de-rosas-y-sus-muchas-huellas.php Juan Manuel de Rosas y sus muchas huellas] {{es}}

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{{Authority control|VIAF=54182829}}

{{Persondata <!-- Metadata: see [[Wikipedia:Persondata]]. -->

| NAME =Rosas, Juan Manuel De

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[[Category:Argentine Roman Catholics]]

[[Category:Argentine people of Spanish descent]]

[[Category:Attempted assassination survivors]]

[[Category:People from Buenos Aires]]

[[Category:Burials at La Recoleta Cemetery]]