Patrick Henry: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia


Article Images

Line 1:

{{Short description|American Founding Father, orator and politician (1736–1799)}}

{{Other people}}

{{Other uses}}

{{pp-vandalism|small=yes}}

{{Featured article}}

{{Use mdy dates|date=April 2017}}

{{Pp-vandalism|small=yes}}

{{Use mdy dates|date=June 2024}}

{{Infobox Governor

{{Infobox officeholder

|name = Patrick Henry

|image name = Patrick henry.JPG{{!}}borderHenry

| image = Patrick henry.JPG{{!}}border

|order = 1st & 6th

| office = 1st and 6th [[Governor of Virginia]]

| term_start = December 1, 1784

| term_end = December 1, 1786

| predecessor = [[Benjamin Harrison V]]

| successor = [[Edmund Randolph]]

| term_start1 = July 5, 1776

| term_end1 = June 1, 1779

| predecessor1 = [[Edmund Pendleton]] {{small|(Actingacting)}}

| successor1 = [[Thomas Jefferson]]

| office2 = [[List of delegates to the Continental Congress|Delegate]] from [[Virginia]] {{awrap|to the [[Continental Congress]]}}

|birth_date = {{birth date|1736|5|29}}

| term_start2 = September 5, 1774

|birth_place = [[Birthplace of Patrick Henry|Studley]], [[Colony of Virginia]], [[British America]]

| term_end2 = August 1, 1775

|death_date = {{death date and age|1799|6|6|1736|5|29}}

| predecessor2 = ''Office established''

|death_place = [[Brookneal, Virginia]], U.S.

| successor2 = [[Thomas Nelson Jr.]]

|party = [[Anti-Federalism|Anti-Federalist]]<br />[[Anti-Administration party|Anti-Administration]]<br>[[Federalist Party|Federalist]]

| office3 = Member of the [[Virginia House of Delegates]]

|spouse = Sarah Shelton (1754–1775, her death)<br />Dorothea Dandridge (1777–1799, his death)

| constituency3 = {{Plain list|

|profession = [[Planter (American South)|Planter]], [[lawyer]]

* [[Henry County, Virginia|Henry County]] (1779–1784)

|religion =

* [[Prince Edward County, Virginia|Prince Edward County]] (1787–1790)

|signature = Patrick Henry Signature.svg

* [[Charlotte County, Virginia|Charlotte County]] (1799)

}}

| office4 = Member of the<br>[[Virginia House of Burgesses]]

| constituency4 = {{Plain list|

* [[Louisa County, Virginia|Louisa County]] (1765–1768)

* [[Hanover County, Virginia|Hanover County]] (1769–1776)

}}

| birth_date = {{OldStyleDateDY|May 29,|1736|May 18, 1736}}

| birth_place = [[Birthplace of Patrick Henry|Studley]], [[Colony of Virginia]], [[British America]]

| death_date = {{death date and age|1799|6|6|1736|5|29}}

| death_place = [[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial|Red Hill]], [[Charlotte County, Virginia]], U.S.

| party = {{Plain list|

* [[Anti-Federalism|Anti-Federalist]]

* [[Anti-Administration party|Anti-Administration]]

* [[Federalist Party|Federalist]]

}}

| spouse = {{Plain list|

* {{marriage|[[Sarah Shelton Henry|Sarah Shelton]]|1754|1775|reason=died}}

* {{marriage|[[Dorothea Dandridge Henry]]|1777}}

}}

| father = John Henry

| mother = [[Sarah Winston Syme Henry]]

| relatives = [[William Henry (brother of Patrick Henry)|William Henry]] (brother), [[Elizabeth Henry Campbell Russell]] (sister), [[Annie Henry Christian]] (sister)

| profession = {{hlist|Politician|planter|lawyer}}

| signature = Patrick Henry Signature.svg

| resting_place = [[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial]]

| allegiance = [[United Colonies]]

| branch = [[Virginia militia]]

| serviceyears = 1775–1776

| rank = * Colonel (1st [[Virginia Regiment]])

* Captain (Hanover County Militia)

| commands = * 1st Virginia Regiment

* Hanover County Militia

| battles = [[American Revolutionary War]]

| caption = Portrait by George Bagby Matthews after [[Thomas Sully]], {{circa| 1891}}

}}

'''Patrick Henry''' (May 29, 1736{{spnd}}June 6, 1799) was an American attorney, [[Planter (American South)|planter]] and orator well known for his declaration to the [[Second Virginia Convention]] (1775): "[[Give me liberty, or give me death!]]" A [[Founding Fathers of the United States|Founding Father]], he served as the [[List of Governors of Virginia|first and sixth]] post-colonial [[Governor of Virginia]], from 1776 to 1779 and from 1784 to 1786.

'''Patrick Henry''' (May 29, 1736 [<nowiki/>[[Old Style and New Style dates|O.S.]] May 18, 1736]{{spnd}}June 6, 1799) was an American politician, planter and orator who declared to the [[Virginia Conventions|Second Virginia Convention]] (1775): "[[Give me liberty, or give me death!]]" A [[Founding Fathers of the United States|Founding Father]], he served as the [[List of governors of Virginia|first and sixth]] post-colonial [[Governor of Virginia]], from 1776 to 1779 and from 1784 to 1786.

Henry was born in [[Hanover County, Virginia]], and was for the most part educated at home. After unsuccessful ventures running a store, and assisting his father-in-law at [[Hanover Tavern]], Henry became a lawyer through self-study. Beginning his practice in 1760, he quickly became prominent though his victory in the [[Parson's Cause]] against the Anglican clergy. He was elected to the [[House of Burgesses]], where he soon became notable for his inflammatory rhetoric against the [[Stamp Act of 1765]].

A native of [[Hanover County, Virginia]], Henry was primarily educated at home. After an unsuccessful venture running a store, as well as assisting his father-in-law at [[Hanover Tavern]], he became a lawyer through self-study. Beginning his practice in 1760, Henry soon became prominent through his victory in the [[Parson's Cause]] against the Anglican clergy. He was elected to the Virginia [[House of Burgesses]], where he quickly became notable for his inflammatory rhetoric against the [[Stamp Act 1765|Stamp Act of 1765]].

In 1774 and 1775, Henry served as a delegate to the [[First Continental Congress|First]] and [[Second Continental Congress]]es, but did not prove particularly influential. Henry gained further popularity among the people of Virginia, not only through his famous speech to the convention in 1775, but by marching troops towards the capital of [[Williamsburg, Virginia|Williamsburg]] after the [[Gunpowder Incident]] until the munitions taken by the royal government were paid for. Henry urged independence, and when the [[Fifth Virginia Convention]] endorsed this in 1776, served on the committee charged with drafting the [[Virginia Declaration of Rights]] and the original [[Virginia Constitution]]. Henry was promptly elected governor under the new charter, and served a total of five one-year terms.

In 1774, Henry served as a delegate to the [[First Continental Congress]] where he signed the [[Petition to the King]], which he helped to draft, and the [[Continental Association]]. He gained further popularity among the people of Virginia, both through his oratory at the convention and by marching troops towards the colonial capital of [[Williamsburg, Virginia|Williamsburg]] after the [[Gunpowder Incident]] until the munitions seized by the royal government were paid for. Henry urged independence, and when the [[Fifth Virginia Convention]] endorsed this in 1776, he served on the committee charged with drafting the [[Virginia Declaration of Rights]] and the original [[Constitution of Virginia|Virginia Constitution]]. Henry was promptly elected governor under the new charter and served a total of five one-year terms.

After leaving the governorship in 1779, Henry served in the [[Virginia House of Delegates]] until he began his last two terms as governor in 1784. The failures of the national government under the [[Articles of Confederation]] made Henry fear a strong federal government and he declined appointment as a delegate to the [[Constitutional Convention (United States)|1787 Constitutional Convention]]. He actively opposed the ratification of the Constitution, a fight which has marred his historical image. He returned to the practice of law in his final years, declining several offices under the federal government. A slaveholder through his adult life, he hoped to see the institution end, but had no plan for that beyond ending the importation of slaves. Henry is remembered for his oratory, and as an enthusiastic promoter of the fight for independence.

After leaving the governorship in 1779, Henry served in the [[Virginia House of Delegates]] until he began his last two terms as governor in 1784. The actions of the national government under the [[Articles of Confederation]] made Henry fear a strong federal government, and he declined appointment as a delegate to the [[Constitutional Convention (United States)|1787 Constitutional Convention]]. He actively opposed the ratification of the [[Constitution of the United States|United States Constitution]], both fearing a powerful central government and because there was as yet no [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]]. He returned to the practice of law in his final years, declining several offices under the federal government. A slaveholder throughout his adult life, he hoped to see the institution end but had no plan beyond ending the importation of slaves. Henry is remembered for his oratory and as an enthusiastic promoter of the fight for independence.

==Early life and struggles (1736–1759)==

Henry was born on the family farm, [[Birthplace of Patrick Henry|Studley]], in [[Hanover County, Virginia|Hanover County]] in the [[Colony of Virginia]], on May 29, 1736.<ref name=a>{{cite web|first=Thad|last=Tate|title=Henry, Patrick|work=[[American National Biography Online]]|date=February 2000|url=

http://www.anb.org/articles/01/01-00396.html|accessdate=October 8, 2017|subscription=yes}}</ref> His father was John Henry, an immigrant from [[Aberdeenshire]], Scotland, who had attended [[King's College, Aberdeen|King's College]] there before emigrating to the [[Colony of Virginia]] in the 1720s.{{sfn|Meade|pp=13–18}} Settling in Hanover County in about 1732, John Henry married Sarah Winston Syme, a wealthy widow from a prominent local family of English ancestry.{{sfn|Meade|pp=21–24}}

==Early life (1736–1759)==

Patrick Henry shared his name with his uncle, an Anglican minister, and until the elder Patrick's death in 1777 often went as Patrick Henry Jr.{{sfn|Kukla|p=13}} Henry attended a local school until about the age of 10. There was then no academy in Hanover County, and he was tutored at home by his father.{{sfn|Kidd|p=9}} The young Henry engaged in the typical recreations of the times, such as music and dancing, and was particularly fond of hunting.{{sfn|Kidd|p=12}} Since the family's lands and slaves would for the most part pass to his older half-brother John Syme Jr., Henry needed to make his own way in the world.{{sfn|Mayer|p=32}} At the age of 15, Henry became a clerk for a local merchant, and a year later opened a store with his older brother William. The store was not successful.<ref name = "a" />

Henry was born on the family farm, [[Birthplace of Patrick Henry|Studley]], in Hanover County in the [[Colony of Virginia]], on May 29, 1736.<ref name=a>{{cite web|first=Thad|last=Tate|title=Henry, Patrick|work=[[American National Biography Online]]|date=February 2000|url=http://www.anb.org/articles/01/01-00396.html|access-date=October 8, 2017|url-access=subscription }}</ref> His father was John Henry, an immigrant from [[Aberdeenshire]], Scotland, who had attended [[King's College, Aberdeen|King's College]], University of Aberdeen, before emigrating to Virginia in the 1720s.{{sfn|Meade|pp=13–18}} Settling in Hanover County in about 1732, John Henry married [[Sarah Winston Syme Henry|Sarah Winston Syme]], a wealthy widow from a prominent local family of English ancestry.{{sfn|Meade|pp=21–24}}

Patrick Henry shared his name with his uncle, an [[Anglicanism|Anglican]] minister, and until the elder Patrick's death in 1777 often went as Patrick Henry Jr.{{sfn|Kukla|p=13}} Henry attended a local school until about the age of 10. There was no academy in Hanover County, and he was tutored at home by his father.{{sfn|Kidd|p=9}} The young Henry engaged in the typical recreations of the times, such as music and dancing, and was particularly fond of hunting.{{sfn|Kidd|p=12}} Since the family's stock, considerable lands, and slaves would pass to his older half-brother John Syme Jr.,{{sfn|Mayer|p=32}} due to the custom of [[primogeniture]], Henry needed to make his own way in the world. At age 15, he became a clerk for a local merchant and a year later opened a store with his older brother [[William Henry (brother of Patrick Henry)|William]]. The store was not successful.<ref name = "a" /> His sisters were pioneer and writer [[Annie Henry Christian]] and [[Elizabeth Henry Campbell Russell]], a Methodist lay leader.<ref name="Terry">{{Cite web |last=Terry |first=Gail S. |date=2006 |title=Annie Henry Christian |url=https://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.php?b=Christian_Annie_Henry |access-date=October 18, 2021 |website=Dictionary of Virginia Biography, Library of Virginia |archive-date=October 18, 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211018082738/https://www.lva.virginia.gov/public/dvb/bio.php?b=Christian_Annie_Henry |url-status=live }}</ref>

The [[Great Awakening]] reached Virginia when young Henry was a child. His father was staunchly Anglican, but his mother often took him to hear Presbyterian preachers. Although Henry remained a lifelong Anglican communicant, ministers such as [[Samuel Davies (clergyman)|Samuel Davies]] taught him that it is not enough to save one's own soul, but one should help to save society. He also learned that oratory should reach the heart, not just persuade based on reason.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=13–23}} His oratorical technique would follow that of these preachers, seeking to reach the people by speaking to them in their own language.{{sfn|Kidd|p=37}}

The religious revival known as the [[Great Awakening]] reached Virginia when Henry was a child. His father was staunchly Anglican, but his mother often took him to hear [[Presbyterianism|Presbyterian]] preachers. Although Henry remained a lifelong Anglican communicant, ministers such as [[Samuel Davies (clergyman)|Samuel Davies]] taught him that it is not enough to save one's own soul, but one should help to save society. He also learned that oratory should reach the heart, not just persuade based on reason.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=13–23}} His oratorical technique would follow that of these preachers, seeking to reach the people by speaking to them in their own language.{{sfn|Kidd|p=37}}

Religion played a key role in Henry's life; his father and namesake uncle were both devout and were both major influences in his life. Nevertheless, he was uncomfortable with the role of the Anglican Church as the established religion in Virginia, and he fought for religious liberty throughout his career. Henry wrote to a group of [[Baptists in the United States|Baptists]] who had sent a letter of congratulations following Henry's 1776 election as governor, "My earnest wish is, that Christian charity, forbearance and love may unite all different persuasions as brethren."<ref name = "henrychrist" /> He criticized his state of Virginia, feeling that slavery and lack of religious toleration had retarded its development. He told the [[Virginia Ratifying Convention]] in 1788, "That religion or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence, and therefore all men have an equal, natural and unalienable right to the [[Freedom of religion|free exercise of religion]] according to the dictates of conscience, and that no particular religious sect or society ought to be favored or established by law in preference to others."<ref name = "henrychrist">{{cite web|last=Wells|first=James M.|title=The Christian Philosophy of Patrick Henry|url=http://www.christianhistorysociety.com/henrythesis1.html|access-date=November 16, 2017|publisher=Christian History Society|archive-date=July 3, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170703223229/http://christianhistorysociety.com/henrythesis1.html|url-status=live}}</ref>

[[File:Shelton House - Shenk.jpg|thumb|right|View of [[Rural Plains]] near Totopotomoy Creek in Virginia. Henry was reportedly married to Sarah Shelton in the parlor.]]

In 1754, Henry married Sarah Shelton, reportedly in the parlor of her family house, [[Rural Plains]]. (It also became known as Shelton House.) As a wedding gift, her father gave the couple six slaves and the {{convert|300|acre|km2|adj=on}} [[Pine Slash|Pine Slash Farm]] near [[Mechanicsville, Virginia|Mechanicsville]]. Pine Slash was exhausted from earlier cultivations, and Henry worked with the slaves to clear fresh fields. The latter half of the 1750s were years of drought in Virginia, and after the main house burned down, Henry gave up and moved to the [[Hanover Tavern]], owned by Sarah's father.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=45–48}}

Henry often served as host at Hanover Tavern as part of his duties, and entertained the guests by playing the fiddle. Among those who stayed there during this time was the young [[Thomas Jefferson]], aged 17, en route to his studies at the [[College of William and& Mary]], and who later wrote that he became well acquainted with Henry then, despite their age difference of six years.{{sfn|Mayer|p=50}} Jefferson in 1824 told [[Daniel Webster]], "Patrick Henry was originally a bar-keeper", a characterization that Henry's biographers have found to be unfair; that his position was more general than that, and that the main business of Hanover Tavern was serving travelers, not alcohol. [[William Wirt (Attorney General)|William Wirt]], Henry's earliest biographer, rejectedrejects Jefferson's suggestion that Henry's profession then was a bartender, but notednotes it would have been "very natural in Mr. Henry's situation" to do what was necessary to ensure that guests were properly seen to.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=31–32}}

== Revolutionary lawyer and politician (1760—17751760–1775) ==

===Parson's Cause (1760–1763)===

While at Hanover Tavern, Henry found time to study the law. How long he did so is unclear; he later said it was as little as a month. On the advice of a local lawyer, Henry in 1760 applied for a lawyer's license, appearing before the examiners—prominent attorneys in the colonial capital of Williamsburg. The examiners were impressed by Henry's mind even though his knowledge of legal procedures was scant. He passed in April 1760, and he thereafter opened a practice, appearing in the courts of Hanover and nearby counties.<ref name = "a" />{{sfn|Kukla|pp=30–40}} Henry became a skilled lawyer because in court "he displayed quick wit, knowledge of human nature, and forensic gifts."<ref>{{cite web|last1=Gruberg|first1=Marin|title=Patrick Henry|url=https://mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/1164/patrick-henry%20the%20original|publisher=The First Amendment Encyclopedia presented by the John Seigenthaler Chair of Excellence in First Amendment Studies|access-date=August 28, 2023|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230828201423/https://mtsu.edu/first-amendment/article/1164/patrick-henry|archive-date=August 28, 2023|url-status=live|year=2009}}</ref>

The droughts of the 1750s had led to a rise in the price of tobacco. Hard currency was scarce in Virginia, and salaries in the colony were often expressed in terms of pounds of tobacco. Prior to the drought, the price of tobacco had long been twopence per pound (.45 kilograms) and in 1755 and 1758, the Virginia [[House of Burgesses]], the elected lower house of the colonial legislature, passed [[Two Penny Act]]s, allowing debts expressed in tobacco to be paid at the rate of twopence per pound for a limited period.{{sfn|Campbell|p=28}} These payees included public officials, including Anglican clergy—Anglicanism was then Virginia's [[established church]], and several ministers petitioned the [[Board of Trade]] in London to overrule the Burgesses, which it did. Five clergymen then brought suit for back pay, cases known as the [[Parson's Cause]]; of them, only the Reverend [[James Maury]] was successful, and a jury was to be empaneled in Hanover County on December 1, 1763 to fix damages. Henry was engaged by Maury's parish [[vestry]] to defend at this hearing.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=39–41}} Patrick Henry's father, Colonel John Henry, was the presiding judge.{{sfn|McCants|p=40}}

The droughts of the 1750s had led to a rise in the price of tobacco. Hard currency was scarce in Virginia, and salaries in the colony were often expressed in terms of pounds of tobacco. Prior to the drought, the price of tobacco had long been two[[Penny (British pre-decimal coin)|pence]] per pound (0.45 kilograms) and in 1755 and 1758, the Virginia House of Burgesses, the elected lower house of the colonial legislature, passed the [[Two Penny Act]], allowing debts expressed in tobacco to be paid at the rate of twopence per pound for a limited period.{{sfn|Campbell|p=28}} These payees included public officials, including Anglican clergy—Anglicanism was Virginia's established church—and several ministers petitioned the [[Board of Trade]] in London to overrule the Burgesses, which it did. Five clergymen then brought suit for back pay, cases known as the Parson's Cause; of them, only the Reverend [[James Maury]] was successful, and a jury was to be empaneled in Hanover County on December 1, 1763, to fix damages. Henry was engaged as counsel by Maury's parish [[vestry]] for this hearing.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=39–41}} Patrick Henry's father, Colonel John Henry, was the presiding judge.{{sfn|McCants|p=40}}

[[File:Parson's Cause by Cooke.jpg|thumb|left|''Patrick Henry Arguing the Parson's Cause'' by [[George Cooke (painter)|George Cooke]]]]

After the evidence was presented proving the facts at issue, Maury's counsel gave a speech in praise of the clergy, many of whom were in attendance. Henry responded with a one-hour speech, ignoring the question of damages, but which focused on the unconstitutionality of the veto of the Two Penny Act by the king's government. Henry deemed any king who annulled good laws, such as the Two Penny Act, as a "tyrant" who "forfeits all right to his subjects' obedience", and the clergy, by challenging an impartial law designed to bring economic relief, had shown themselves to be "enemies of the community".{{sfn|McCants|pp=118–119}} The opposing counsel accused Henry of treason, and some took up that cry, but Henry continued, and the judge did nothing to stop him.{{sfn|McCants|p=119}} Henry urged the jury to make an example of Maury, for the benefit of any who might seek to imitate him, and suggested the jury return damages of [[History of the British farthing|one farthing]].{{sfn|Kukla|p=45}} The jury was out for only moments, and fixed damages at one penny. Henry was hailed as a hero. According to biographer Henry Mayer, Henry had "defined the prerogatives of the local elite by the unorthodox means of mobilizing the emotions of the lower ranks of religious and political outsiders."{{sfn|Mayer|p=66}} Henry's popularity greatly increased, and he added 164 new clients in the year after the Parson's Cause.{{sfn|Campbell|p=37}}

===Stamp Act (1764–1765)===

[[File:Patrick Henry Rothermel.jpg|thumb|upright|''Patrick Henry Before the Virginia House of Burgesses'' (1851) by [[Peter F. Rothermel]]]]

In the wake of the Parson's Cause, Henry began to gain a following in backwoods Virginia because of his oratory defending the liberties of the common people and thanks to his friendly manner. He boosted his standing further in 1764 by representing Nathaniel West Dandridge, elected for Hanover County, in an election contest before the Burgesses. Dandridge was alleged to have bribed voters with drink, a practice common but illegal. Henry is said to have made a brilliant speech in defense of the rights of voters, but the text does not survive. Henry lost the case but met influential members on the Committee of Privileges and Elections, such as [[Richard Henry Lee]], [[Peyton Randolph]] and [[George Wythe]].{{sfn|Kidd|pp=46–48}} In 1765, William Johnson, the brother of Thomas Johnson (who had been one of Henry's clients in the Parson's Cause) resigned as burgess for [[Louisa County, Virginia|Louisa County]]. As Henry owned land in the county (acquired from his father to settle a loan), he was eligible to be a candidate, and he won the seat in May 1765. He left immediately for Williamsburg as the session had already begun.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=69–70}}

[[File:Patrick Henry Rothermel.jpg|thumb|upright|Patrick Henry's "Treason" speech before the [[House of Burgesses]] in an 1851 painting by [[Peter F. Rothermel]]]]

In the wake of the Parson's Cause, Henry began to gain a following in backwoods Virginia, due to his oratory defending the liberties of the common people, and thanks to his friendly manner. He boosted his standing further in 1764 by representing Nathaniel West Dandridge, elected for Hanover County, in an election contest before the Burgesses. Dandridge was alleged to have bribed voters with drink, a practice common but illegal. Henry is said to have made a brilliant speech in defense of the rights of voters, but the text does not survive. Henry lost the case, but met influential committee members such as [[Richard Henry Lee]], [[Peyton Randolph]] and [[George Wythe]].{{sfn|Kidd|pp=46–48}} In 1765, William Johnson, the brother of Thomas Johnson, who had been one of Henry's clients in the Parson's Cause, resigned as burgess for [[Louisa County, Virginia|Louisa County]]. As Henry owned land in the county, he was eligible to be a candidate, and he won the seat in May 1765. He left immediately for Williamsburg as the session had already begun.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=69–70}}

The expense of the [[Seven Years' War]] (called the [[French and Indian War]] in North America) (1756–1763) had nearly doubled Britain's national debt, and as much of the war had taken place in and around North America, the British government looked for ways of directly taxing the American colonies. The 1765 [[Stamp Act]] was both a means of raising revenue and one of asserting authority over the colonies.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=53–58}} The Burgesses instructed the body'stheir agent in London, Edward Montague, to oppose the measure, and other colonial legislatures similarly instructed their representatives. Considerable debate began over the proposed measure, and in Virginia pamphleteers developed arguments Henry had made in the Parson's Cause.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=49–56}}

Patrick Henry was sworn into a sleepy session of the legislature on May 20; many of the members had left town. On about May 28, a ship arrived with an urgent letter from Montague: the Stamp Act had passed. On May 29, Henry introduced the [[Virginia Resolves|Virginia Stamp Act Resolves]].{{sfn|Kidd|p=58}} The first two resolutions affirmed that the colonists had the same rights and privileges as Britons; the next two stated that [[No taxation without representation|taxation should be exacted only by one's representatives]]. The fifth was the most provocative, as it named the Virginia legislature, the [[Virginia General Assembly|General Assembly,]], as the representatives of Virginia empowered to tax. Two othersother resolutions were offered, though their authorship is uncertain.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=53, The58–59}} firstEdmund fiveand passedHelen Morgan, thoughin their account of the lastStamp onlyAct bycrisis, suggest that Henry saw the Stamp Act as both a narrowthreat marginto Virginians' rights and an opportunity to advance himself politically.{{sfn|KiddMorgan and Morgan|ppp=53, 58–59305}}

{{Quote box

There are no verbatim transcriptions of Henry's speech in opposition to the Stamp Act. Texts are reconstructions, for the most part based on recollections decades later by which time both the speech and Henry had become famous. For example, Jefferson, still in his studies at the nearby [[College of William and Mary]], recalled the splendor of Henry's oratory. A French traveler, whose name is not known, recorded at the time of Henry's speech that "one of the members stood up and said that he had read that in former times [[Tarquin the Elder|Tarquin]] and [[Julius Caesar|Julius]] had their [[Brutus]], [[Charles I of England|Charles]] had his [[Oliver Cromwell|Cromwell]], and he did not doubt but some good American would stand up, in favour of his country".{{sfn|Kidd|pp=51–53}} Having seemingly called for the death of [[King George III]], there were cries of "Treason!" in the chamber, including by the Speaker, [[John Robinson (Virginia)|John Robinson]]. [[John Tyler Sr.]] (father of the future president), who was standing with Jefferson as they watched the session, called this one of "the trying moments which is decisive of character", and both recalled that Henry did not waver: "If this be treason, make the most of it!".{{sfn|Kukla|p=71}}

| quote = If this be treason, make the most of it!

| author = — Henry addressing the Virginia House of Burgesses

| width = 16%

}}

There are no verbatim transcriptions of Henry's speech in opposition to the Stamp Act. Texts are reconstructions, for the most part based on recollections decades later, by which time both the speech and Henry had become famous. For example, Jefferson, still in his studies at the nearby College of William & Mary, recalled the splendor of Henry's oratory.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=51–53}} No attempt was made to reconstruct Henry's words until 1790, when [[James Madison]] wrote to former burgess [[Edmund Pendleton]], but Madison learned that Pendleton had not been present; a second attempt did not occur until Wirt began work on his biography of Henry in 1805. A French traveler whose name is not known and whose journal was discovered in 1921{{sfn|Morgan and Morgan|p=94}} recorded at the time of Henry's speech that "one of the members stood up and said that he had read that in former times [[Lucius Tarquinius Priscus|Tarquin]] and [[Julius Caesar|Julius]] had their [[Marcus Junius Brutus|Brutus]], [[Charles I of England|Charles]] had his [[Oliver Cromwell|Cromwell]], and he did not doubt but some good American would stand up, in favour of his country".{{sfn|Kidd|pp=51–53}} As Henry had seemingly called for the killing of King [[George III]], there were cries of "Treason!" in the chamber, including by Speaker [[John Robinson (Virginia politician, born 1705)|John Robinson]]. [[John Tyler Sr.]] (father of the future president), who was standing with Jefferson as they watched the session, called this one of "the trying moments which is decisive of character", and both recalled that Henry did not waver: "If this be treason, make the most of it!".{{sfn|Kukla|p=71}}

The Burgesses passed those five resolutions—the two others, which denied the right of any other body but the General Assembly to tax Virginians, and which branded anyone who stated that Parliament had that right an enemy of the colony, were not passed.{{sfn|Kidd|p=53}} On May 31, with Henry absent and likely returning home, the Burgesses expunged the fifth resolution, and the Royal Governor, [[Francis Fauquier]], refused to allow any of them to be printed in the official newspaper, the ''[[The Virginia Gazette#Historical papers|Virginia Gazette]]''. With the official texts of the passed resolutions denied them, newspapers in the colonies and in Britain printed all seven resolutions, with all of them presented as the resolves of the influential Colony of Virginia. The resolutions, more radical as a group than what was actually passed, reached Britain by mid-August, the first American reaction to the passage of the Stamp Act. In North America, they galvanized opposition to the Stamp Act, and made Virginia the leader in opposition to Parliament's action.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=73–79}} According to Thad Tate in Henry's ''American National Biography'' article, "Not only in Virginia but across the mainland British colonies, Henry quickly established his reputation as an uncompromising opponent of imperial policy."<ref name = "a" />

The Burgesses adopted the first five resolutions—the two others, which denied the right of any other body but the General Assembly to tax Virginians and which branded anyone who stated that Parliament had that right an enemy of the colony, were not passed.{{sfn|Kidd|p=53}} According to the Morgans, the passed resolutions differed little from language in petitions sent by the Burgesses to London in 1764, and the opposition to Henry may have been in part because he was an upstart in Virginia politics.{{sfn|Morgan and Morgan|p=97}} On May 31, with Henry absent and likely returning home, the Burgesses expunged the fifth resolution, and Royal Governor [[Francis Fauquier]] refused to allow any of them to be printed in the official newspaper, the ''[[The Virginia Gazette#Historical papers|Virginia Gazette]]''. With the official texts of the passed resolutions denied them, newspapers in the colonies and in Britain printed all seven resolutions, all of them presented as the resolves of the influential Colony of Virginia. The resolutions, more radical as a group than what was actually passed, reached Britain by mid-August, the first American reaction to the passage of the Stamp Act. In North America, they galvanized opposition to the Stamp Act and made Virginia the leader in opposition to Parliament's action.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=73–79}} According to Thad Tate in Henry's ''American National Biography'' article, "Not only in Virginia but across the mainland British colonies, Henry quickly established his reputation as an uncompromising opponent of imperial policy."<ref name = "a" /> The Morgans note "In Virginia the Stamp Act provided the opportunity for Patrick Henry's spectacular entry into politics".{{sfn|Morgan and Morgan|pp=204–305}}

=== Lawyer and landowner (1766–1773)===

Fauquier dissolved the Burgesses on June 1, 1765, hoping new elections would purge the radicals, but this proved not to be the case, as conservative leaders were instead voted out. The governor did not call the Burgesses into session until November 1766, by which time the Stamp Act had been repealed by Parliament, preventing Virginia from sending delegates to the [[Stamp Act Congress]] in [[New York City|New York]]. Henry's role in the active resistance that took place in Virginia against the Stamp Act is uncertain. Although the lack of a legislative session sidelined Henry during the crisis, it also undermined the established leaders of the chamber, who remained scattered through the colony with little opportunity to confer, as the public rage for change grew hotter.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=80–82}}

When the Burgesses eventually convened, Henry sometimes opposed the colonial leaders, but united with them against British policies. In the late 1760s and early 1770s, Henry spent more time concentrating on his personal affairs,<ref name = "a" /> though he advanced in standing within the Burgesses, serving on powerful committees.{{sfn|Campbell|p=72}} The Henry family moved to a new house on his Louisa County property, probably in late 1765, and lived there until 1769, when he returned to Hanover County. His law practice remained strong until the courts under royal authority closed in 1774. Jefferson later complained that Henry was lazy and ignorant in the practice of the law, with his sole talent trying cases before juries, and accused Henry of charging criminal defendants high fees to get them acquitted. Norine Dickson Campbell, in her biography of Henry, found Jefferson's comments unfounded; that Henry's rates were moderate for the time, and citingcited earlier historians as to Henry's competence.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=62–65}} Jefferson's comments came years after the two, once friends, quarreled.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=71–72}} In 1769, Henry was admitted to practice before the [[General Court of Virginia (colonial)|General Court of Virginia]] in Williamsburg, a venue more prestigious than the county courts.{{sfn|Kidd|p=71}}{{sfn|Campbell|p=xvii}}

Henry invested some of his earnings in frontier lands, in what is now the western part of Virginia, as well as in present-day West Virginia and Kentucky. He claimed ownership though many of them were controlled by the Native Americans, and he sought to get the colonial (and, later, state) government to recognize his claims. This was common among Virginia's leading citizens, such as [[George Washington]]. Henry foresaw the potential of the [[Ohio River|Ohio Valley]] and was involved in schemes to found settlements. Income from land deals in 1771 enabled him to buy [[Scotchtown (plantation)|Scotchtown]], a large plantation in Hanover County, which he purchased from John Payne, the father of [[Dolley Madison]]—she lived there for a brief time as a child. Scotchtown, with 16 rooms, was one of the largest mansions in Virginia.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=72–73}}

Owning estates such as Henry's meant owning slaves; Henry was a lifelong slaveholder from the time of his marriage at age 18.{{sfn|Kidd|p=15}} Despite this, Henry believedprofessed that slavery was wrong, and hopedexpressed hopes for its abolition, but he had no plan for doing so, nor for the multiracial society that would result, for he did not believe colonization schemes to settle freed slaves in Africa were realistic, "to re-export them is now impracticable, and sorry I am for it."{{sfn|Kukla|pp=100–102}} He wrote in 1773, "I am the master of slaves of my own purchase. I am drawn along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cannot justify it."{{sfn|Kukla|p=124}} But the number of slaves he owned increased over time, and as a result of his second marriage in 1777, andso that at his death in 1799, he owned 67 slaves.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=15–16}} In 1778, Henry and othersother soughtplanters, believing there to endbe theira surplus of slave labor in Virginia, easily brought the transatlantic importation of new enslaved Africans to Virginiaan end.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Broadwater |first=Jeff |title=Madison, James and succeededSlavery in|url=https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/madison-james-and-slavery/ 1778|access-date=February 23, 2024 |website=Encyclopedia Virginia |language=en-US |archive-date=February 24, 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240224161232/https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/madison-james-and-slavery/ They|url-status=live assumed}}</ref> thatThe inplanters sosupported doingthe effort to limit slave imports for their own economic reasons and for fear of slave rebellions, but they foughtdid slaverynot seek abolition of slaves already in Virginia,<ref>{{Cite butweb |last=McBurney |first=Christian |date=September 14, 2020 |title=The First Efforts to Limit the African Slave Trade Arise in the generationAmerican afterRevolution: Part independence2 of 3, The Middle and Southern Colonies |url=https://allthingsliberty.com/2020/09/the-first-efforts-to-limit-the-african-slave-trade-arise-in-the-american-revolution-part-2-of-3-the-middle-and-southern-colonies/ births|access-date=February greatly23, exceeded2024 deaths|website=Journal of the American Revolution |language=en-US |archive-date=February 23, 2024 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240223071110/https://allthingsliberty.com/2020/09/the-first-efforts-to-limit-the-african-slave-trade-arise-in-the-american-revolution-part-2-of-3-the-middle-and-southern-colonies/ |url-status=live }}</ref> although moving towards abolition said to be a reason for passing the act. With a surplus of slaves and the ability to import more African slaves cut off, Virginia later became a source of slaves sold south in the [[coastwise slave trade]].{{sfn|Kukla|p=125}}

===Renewed involvement and First Continental Congress (1773–1775)===

In 1773, Henry came into conflict with the royal governor, [[John Murray, 4th Earl of Dunmore]]. The governor, appointed in 1771, had sent several British soldiers to [[Pittsylvania County, Virginia|Pittsylvania County]] to aid in apprehending a gang of counterfeiters. Once captured, they were immediately taken to Williamsburg for trial before the General Court, ignoring precedent that judicial proceedings should begin in the county where the offense took place, or where the suspect washad been captured. This was a sensitive matter especially because of the recent [[Gaspee affairAffair|''Gaspee'' affairAffair]] in Rhode Island, in which the British sought to capture and transport overseas for trial those who had burned a British ship. The Burgesses wanted to rebuke Dunmore for his actions, and Henry was part of a committee of eight members, that drafted a resolution thanking the governor for the capture of the gang, but affirming that using the "usual mode" of criminal procedure protected both the guilty and the innocent.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=152–155}} They also penned a plan, adopted by the Burgesses, for [[Committees of correspondence|a committee of correspondence]] to communicate with leaders in other colonies, to inform and coordinate with each other. The members included Henry.{{sfn|Mayer|p=175}}

Although Henry had by this time come to believe that conflict with Great Britain, and independence, waswere inevitable,{{sfn|Kukla|p=138}} he had no strategy for advancing this. The Burgesses were sitting when in 1774, word came that Parliament had voted to [[Boston Port Act|close the port of Boston]] in retaliation for the [[Boston Tea Party]], and several burgesses, including Henry, convened at the [[Raleigh Tavern]] to formulate a response. According to [[George Mason]], a former burgess from [[Fairfax County, Virginia|Fairfax County]], who joined the committee in the work, Henry took the lead. Mason and Henry would formformed a close political relationship that would lastlasted until Mason's death in 1792. The resolution that Henry's committee produced set June 1, 1774, the date upon which the Port of Boston was to be closed, as a day of fasting and prayer. It passed the Burgesses, but Dunmore dissolved the body. Undeterred, the former legislators met at the Raleigh Tavern, and reconstituted themselves as [[First Virginia Convention|a convention]], to meet again in August, after there was time for county meetings to show local sentiment. They also called for a boycott of tea and other products.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=139–141}}

The five [[Virginia Conventions]] (1774–1776) would guide the [[Colony of Virginia|Old Dominion]] to independence as royal authority came to an end. Their work was advanced by many resolutions of county meetings, denying the authority of Parliament over the colonies, and calling for a boycott of imports.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=141–143}} The first convention met in Williamsburg in the chamber of the Burgesses beginning on August 1; Dunmore was absent from the capital [[Lord Dunmore's War|fighting the Native Americans]] and could not interfere. Divided between those who wanted separation from Britain, and those who still hoped for some accommodation, it met for a week; one major decision was the election of delegates to [[First Continental Congress|a Continental Congress]] in [[Philadelphia]]. Henry was chosen as one of seven delegates, tying for second place with [[George Washington]], burgess for Fairfax County, with both receiving three votes less than [[Peyton Randolph]].{{sfn|Mayer|pp=198–204}}

[[File:Washington Pendleton Henry cropped.jpg|thumb|left|19th century engraving of Washington (center), Henry (right) and Pendleton riding to Philadelphia for the [[First Continental Congress]]]]

As Washington's estate, [[Mount Vernon]], lay on the way from Scotchtown to Philadelphia, he invited Henry to stop there and to ride to Philadelphia with him, and. Henry did, also accompanied by [[Edmundand Pendleton]], another Virginia delegate to the Congress and something of a political rival of Henry's, accepted the invitation.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=205–206}} ThereDelegates wasand prominent Philadelphians took an intense interest in the Virginians, who had taken the lead in resistance to Britain, but whom few in the other colonies had met. This was Henry's first stay in the North, exceptingaside from a brief business trip to New York in 1770,{{sfn|Kukla|p=145}} but he found that his actions were well- known.<ref name = "a" /> The sessions began on September 5, 1774, at [[CarpenterCarpenters's Hall]].{{sfn|Mayer|p=209}} [[Silas Deane]] of Connecticut described Henry as "the compleatest speaker I ever heard&nbsp;... but in a Letter I can give You no Idea of the Music of his Voice, or the highwrought, yet Natural elegance of his Stile, or Manner".{{sfn|Kukla|p=146}}{{sfn|Mayer|p=212}} The secretary of the Congress, [[Charles Thomson]], wrote that when Henry rose, he had expected little from a man dressed as plainly as a rural minister. "But as he proceeded, [he] evinced such [an] unusual force of argument, and such novel and impassioned eloquence as soon electrified the whole house. Then the excited inquiry passed from man to man&nbsp;... 'Who is it? Who is it?' The answer from the few who knew him was, it is ''Patrick Henry''."{{sfn|Kukla|pp=147–148}}

Henry was involved in the first dispute within the Congress, on whether each colony should have an equal vote, taking the position that there should be proportionate[[proportional representation,]] withgiving the larger colonies to have a greater voice. He argued that colonial borders must be swept away in the need for Americans to unify and create a government to fill the void left with the end of British authority, "Fleets and armies and the present state of things shew that Government is dissolved. Where are your landmarks? your boundaries of colonies? The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virginian, but an American."{{sfn|Mayer|pp=212–213}} Henry lost the argument, and his theatrics made Congress's leaders afraid he would be unpredictable if placed on the lead committee, that charged with composing a statement regarding colonial rights. Instead, he was put on the next- most important committee, one inquiring into commercial regulation. In the end, though, neither committee produced much of importance.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=214–217}} Henry believed the purpose of the Congress should be to mobilize public opinion towards war. In this, he found common cause with [[John Adams]] and [[Samuel Adams]] of Massachusetts, but not all were of that opinion.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=218–219}} According to Tate, Henry "turned out not to be an especially influential member of the body".<ref name = "a" /> The Congress decided on a petition[[Petition to the King|petition to the king]]; Henry prepared two drafts, but neither proved satisfactory. When Congress on October 26 approved a draft prepared by [[John Dickinson]] of Pennsylvania, who had consulted with Henry and also [[Richard Henry Lee]], Henry had already departed for home, and Lee signed on his behalf. The petition was rejected in London.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=155–156}}

After the birth of their sixth child in 1771, Patrick's wife [[Sarah Shelton Henry]] began to exhibit symptoms of mental illness, and one reason for the move from Louisa County to Scotchtown was so they could be near family members. KuklaHenry's believedbiographer, her[[Jon toKukla]] bebelieves she was the victim of [[postpartum psychosis]], for which there was then no treatment. At times, she was restrained in a form of [[straitjacket]]. Although Virginia had opened the first public mental facility in North America in 1773, Henry decided that she was better off at Scotchtown, and prepared a large apartment for her there. She died in 1775, after which Henry avoided all objects that reminded him of her, and sold Scotchtown in 1777.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=158–160}}

==="Liberty or Death" (1775)===

{{further| Give me liberty, or give me death!}}

[[File:Patrick Henry speaking before the Virginia Assembly.tiff|thumb|right|[[Currier & Ives]] depiction of Henry giving his famous speech]]

{{listen

Hanover County elected Henry as a delegate to the [[Second Virginia Convention]], which convened at [[St. John's Episcopal Church (Richmond, Virginia)|St. John's Episcopal Church]] in the town of [[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]] on March 20, 1775. Richmond was selected as better protected from royal authority. The convention debated whether Virginia should adopt a petition by the planters of the [[Colony of Jamaica]]. This document contained complaints about British actions, but admitted the King could veto colonial legislation, and it urged reconciliation. Henry offered amendments to raise a militia in terms that recognized that conflict with Britain was inevitable, sparking the opposition of moderates. He defended his amendments, concluding with the statement he is best known for:

| filename = Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death - read by Bob Gonzalez for LibriVox's Short Nonfiction Collection Vol. 026 (2012).ogg

| title = {{center|"Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death"<br><small>Read by Bob Gonzalez for LibriVox</small>}}

| description = {{center|Audio 00:08:51 ([https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Give_me_liberty_or_give_me_death full text])}}

| pos = right

| type = speech

| image = [[File:His Master's Voice (small).png|70px]]

}}

Hanover County elected Henry as a delegate to the Second Virginia Convention, which convened at [[St. John's Episcopal Church (Richmond, Virginia)|St. John's Episcopal Church]] in the town of [[Richmond, Virginia|Richmond]] on March 20, 1775. Richmond was selected as better protected from royal authority. The convention debated whether Virginia should adopt language from a petition by the planters of the [[Colony of Jamaica]]. This document contained complaints about British actions but admitted the king could veto colonial legislation, and it urged reconciliation. Henry offered amendments to raise a militia independent of royal authority in terms that recognized that conflict with Britain was inevitable, sparking the opposition of moderates. On March 23, he defended his amendments, concluding with the statement he is well known for:

{{quote|If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!{{sfn|Kidd|p=52}}<ref>{{cite web|title="Give Me Liberty, or Give Me Death!"|publisher=Colonial Williamsburg Foundation|accessdateaccess-date=September 16, 2017|url=http://www.history.org/almanack/life/politics/giveme.cfm|archive-date=September 16, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170916164524/http://www.history.org/almanack/life/politics/giveme.cfm|url-status=live}}</ref>

}}

As he concluded, Henry plunged an ivory letter[[Paper openerknife|paper cutter]] towards his chest in imitation of the Roman patriot [[Cato the Younger]].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Hill |first=Patrick Henry's Red |title=Paper Cutter |url=https://www.redhill.org/paper-cutter/ |access-date=April 22, 2024 |website=Patrick Henry's Red Hill |language=en-US |archive-date=December 3, 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231203232553/https://www.redhill.org/paper-cutter/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Henry's speech carried the day, and the convention adopted his amendments.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=170–172}} Still, they passed only narrowly, as many delegates were uncertain where the resistance urged by Henry and other radicals would lead, and few counties formed independent militia companies at the urging of the convention.{{sfn|McDonnell|pp=44–45}}

The text of Henry's speech first appeared in print in Wirt's 1817 biography, published 18 years after Patrick Henry's death.{{sfn|Raphael|p=147}} Wirt corresponded with men who had heard the speech and others who were acquainted with people who were there at the time. All agreed that the speech had produced a profound effect, but it seems that only one triedperson attempted to render an actual text. Judge [[St. George Tucker]], who had been present for the speech, gave Wirt his recollections and Wirt wrote back stating that "I have taken almost entirely Mr. Henry's speech in the Convention of '75 from you, as well as your description of its effect on your verbatim." The original letter with Tucker's remembrances has been lost.{{sfn|Raphael|p=148}}

For 160 years Wirt's account was taken at face value. In the 1970s, historians began to question the authenticity of Wirt's reconstruction.<ref>Judy Hemple, "The Textual and Cultural Authenticity of Patrick Henry's 'Liberty or Death' Speech," ''Quarterly Journal of Speech'' 63 (1977): 298–310; see Ray Raphael, ''Founding Myths,'' 311 note 7 for additional discussions among historians.</ref> Contemporary historians observe that Henry was known to have used fear of Indian and slave revolts in promoting military action against the British and that, according to the only written first-hand account of the speech, Henry used some graphic name-calling that Wirt did not include in his heroic rendition.{{sfn|Raphael|pp=145–156, 311–313}} Tucker's account was based upon recollections and not notes, several decades after the speech; he wrote, "In vain should I attempt to give any idea of his speech".{{sfn|Raphael|p=149}} Scholars have argued to what extent the speech we know is the work of Wirt or Tucker.{{sfn|Raphael|p=148}}

=== Gunpowder incident ===

=== Gunpowder incident (1775) ===

[[File:Patrick Henry broadside.jpg|thumb|right|Royal proclamation against Henry, 1775]]

On April 21, 1775, Governor Dunmore had the [[Royal Marines]] under his command [[Gunpowder Incident|seize gunpowder from the magazine]] in Williamsburg and take it to a naval ship. This outraged Virginians. Henry had departed for Philadelphia, having been elected a delegate to the [[Second Continental Congress]], but a messenger caught up with him before he left Hanover County, and he returned to take command of the local militia. On May 2, he led his troops towards Williamsburg with, as Dunmore wrote, "all the Appearances of actual War".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=173–180}} Henry likely had force enough to take Williamsburg and deal Dunmore a humiliating defeat, but increasingly prominent messengers urging caution slowed his advance, and in [[New Kent County, Virginia|New Kent County]], still some {{convert|16|mile}} from Williamsburg, three of Henry's fellow delegates to Congress helped persuade him to leave off his march, once, as Henry insisted, the value of the powder was paid for by [[bill of exchange]].{{sfn|Kukla|pp=180–182}}

On April 21, 1775, Governor Dunmore had the [[Royal Marines]] under his command [[Gunpowder Incident|seize gunpowder from the magazine]] in Williamsburg and take it to a naval ship. The gunpowder belonged to the government, to be issued in case of need, such as a slave uprising. Dunmore's actions outraged many Virginians. Henry had departed for Philadelphia, having been elected a delegate to the [[Second Continental Congress]], but a messenger caught up with him before he left Hanover County, and he returned to take command of the local militia. Seeking the restoration of the powder, or that the colonists be compensated for it, on May 2, Henry led his troops towards Williamsburg with, as Dunmore wrote, "all the Appearances of actual War".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=173–180}} By this time, word of the [[Battles of Lexington and Concord]] had arrived, and many Virginians believed that war with Britain had begun. With his troops reinforced by eager volunteers from nearby counties,{{sfn|McDonnell|p=64}} Henry likely had force enough to take Williamsburg and deal Dunmore a humiliating defeat, but increasingly prominent messengers urging caution slowed his advance, and in [[New Kent County, Virginia|New Kent County]], still some {{convert|16|mile}} from Williamsburg, three of Henry's fellow delegates to Congress helped persuade him to leave off his march. As Henry insisted the colonists be compensated, a member of the Governor's Council agreed to pay the value of the powder by [[Negotiable instrument|bill of exchange]].{{sfn|Kukla|pp=180–182}}

Although Dunmore issued a proclamation against "a certain ''Patrick Henry'', of the County of ''Hanover'', and a Number of his deluded Followers", 15 county committees quickly approved Henry's action, and when he finally departed for Philadelphia, he was escorted to the [[Potomac River|Potomac]] by militia who lined the shore, cheering, as his ferry pulled away.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=183–185}} Henry belatedly arrived at the Congress on May 18, 1775.{{sfn|Kukla|p=187}} Jefferson later stated that Henry played only a supporting role, and though there is not a complete record, the fact that he was not written of as having an impact appears to confirm that. The Congress appointed Washington as head of American forces, an appointment that Henry supported.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=106–107}} At the end of the session, in August, Henry left Philadelphia for Virginia and would never again hold office outside its borders.<ref name = "a" />

Although Dunmore issued a proclamation against "a certain ''Patrick Henry'', of the County of ''Hanover'', and a Number of his deluded Followers", 15 county committees quickly approved Henry's action, and when he finally departed for Philadelphia, he was escorted to the [[Potomac River|Potomac]] by militia who lined the shore, cheering as his ferry pulled away.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=183–185}} Not all approved; Henry's march appalled some moderates who feared he might provoke a conflict in which Virginia stood alone against Britain's might. They also saw him as a threat to the sanctity of property, for anyone's might be taken by Henry and his troops. As popular support for independence grew, opponents either joined in the movement or decided it was wiser to remain silent.{{sfn|McDonnell|pp=66–70}}

Henry belatedly arrived at the Congress on May 18, 1775.{{sfn|Kukla|p=187}} Jefferson later stated that Henry played only a supporting role, and though there is not a complete record, the fact that he was not written of as having an impact appears to confirm that. The Congress appointed Washington as head of American forces, an appointment that Henry supported.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=106–107}} At the end of the session, in August, Henry left Philadelphia for Virginia and would never again hold office outside its borders.<ref name = "a" />

While Henry was returning, the Third Virginia Convention in August commissioned him as colonel of the [[1st Virginia Regiment]], and he took up the appointment later that month. Although Henry had little military experience, this was not considered a major drawback at the time, and he was held to have distinguished himself in the march on Williamsburg. General Washington, though, felt that the convention had "made a Capital mistake when they took Henry out of the Senate to place him in the Field".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=189–190}} In September, Virginia's [[Committee of safety (American Revolution)|Committee of Safety]] placed Henry in charge of all Virginia's forces.{{sfn|Kidd|p=109}} Despite the high title, Henry was placed under tight civilian control, and to an extent the willingness of moderates to go along with the appointment reflected a view that in that position, the volatile Henry would be contained.{{sfn|McDonnell|pp=100–102}}

Henry moved to organize his regiment and had no difficulty recruiting men.<ref name = "a" /> As commander, he organized [[Virginia State Navy#American Revolutionary War|a navy]].{{sfn|Kukla|pp=201–202}} In November 1775, Dunmore, who though he had abandoned Williamsburg still held Norfolk, issued a proclamation offering freedom to any black slave or [[Indentured servitude|indentured servant]] willing and able to serve in his forces, which already included several hundred former slaves. Henry wrote to all [[Virginia militia#17th century|county lieutenants]], stating that the proclamation "is fatal to the publick Safety" and urging an "unremitting Attention to the Government of the SLAVES may, I hope, counteract this dangerous Attempt. Constant, and well directed Patrols, seem indispensably necessary."{{sfn|McDonnell|pp=140, 148–149}}<!-- quote on p. 149 -->

While Henry was returning, the [[Third Virginia Convention]] in August commissioned him as colonel of the [[1st Virginia Regiment]], and he took it up later that month. Although Henry had little military experience, this was not considered a major drawback at the time, and he was held to have distinguished himself in the march on Williamsburg. General Washington, though, felt that the convention had "made a Capital mistake when they took Henry out of the Senate to place him in the Field".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=189–190}} In September, Virginia's [[Committees of safety (American Revolution)|Committee of Safety]] commissioned Henry as a colonel, in charge of all of Virginia's forces.{{sfn|Kidd|p=109}}

Henry moved to organize his regiment, and had no difficulty recruiting men.<ref name = "a" /> As commander, he organized [[Virginia State Navy#American Revolutionary War|a navy]].{{sfn|Kukla|pp=201–202}} Henry saw no action himself, and there were murmurs in the convention against his command; some feared he was too radical to be an effective military leader. In February 1776, Virginia's forces were reorganized as they were placed under Continental command. Henry was to retain his rank of colonel, but hewas would no longer be senior officer, and would have to serveplaced under a former subordinate. Henry refused and resignedleft histhe commissionarmy; his troops were outraged by the slight to him, and considered leaving service, but he calmed the situation.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=201–204}}

== Independence and first time as governor (1776–1779) ==

Henry did not sit in the [[Fourth Virginia Convention]] which met in December 1775,{{sfn|Campbell|pp=172–173}} as he was ineligible duebecause toof his military commission.{{sfn|Kukla|p=201}} Once he was again a civilian, the freeholders of Hanover County in April 1776 elected him to the [[Fifth Virginia Convention|fifth convention]], to meet the following month.{{sfn|Campbell|p=196}} Most delegates were for independence, but were divided on how and when to declare it, and over timing. Henry introduced a resolution declaring Virginia independent and urging the Congress to declare all the colonies free. When he at last spoke, according to clergyman [[Edmund Randolph]], Henry "appeared in an element for which he was born. To cut the knot, which calm prudence was puzzled to untie, was worthy of the magnificence of his genius. He entered into no subtlety of reasoning but was roused by the now apparent spirit of the people as a pillar of fire, which notwithstanding the darkness of the prospect would conduct to the promised land."{{sfn|Kidd|pp=121–122}} The eventual resolution was based in large part on Henry's, and passed unanimously on May 15, 1776. InAs additionwell toas declaring Virginia independent, the resolution instructed the state's delegates in Congress to press for American independence, which they would, with Lee introducing the motion, and Jefferson penning [[United States Declaration of Independence|the Declaration]].{{sfn|Kidd|p=122}}

The convention then proceeded to consider a constitution for Virginia's government. Henry was appointed to a committee under the leadership of [[Archibald Cary]].{{sfn|Campbell|pp=223–224}} Much of the work fell to the final appointee to the committee, George Mason of Fairfax County, who did not arrive in Williamsburg until May 18, delayed by illness. Mason first drafted a [[Virginia Declaration of Rights|Declaration of Rights]]; it was discussed in the Cary Committee on May 25. Mason's draft, more than the final declaration, would be highly influential, used by Jefferson in writing the Declaration, of Independence and by writers of many 18th and 19th century state constitutions. When the draft was debated, Henry, at the request of a young delegate from [[Orange County, Virginia|Orange County]], [[James Madison]], produced an amendment changing Mason's call for religious tolerance to one requiring full [[freedom of worshipreligion]]. This was seen as a threat to Virginia's established religion, Anglicanism, and did not pass. Madison reworked it and had another delegate introduce it, likely [[Edmund Randolph]], a clergyman, and it passed. Mason's draft called for a ban on [[Bill of attainder|bills of attainder]]. Henry got it removed by telling the delegates that some greathigh offender might be reached by no other means.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=210–213}} The convention approved the Declaration of Rights on June 12.{{sfn|Kidd|p=126}}

TheVirginia's planform of government for Virginia, to be placed in its constitution, wasbecame a national concern not only within its borders; Jefferson, in Philadelphia though he would have preferred to be in Williamsburg, sent a plan, and John Adams sent Henry a pamphlet containing his own views, to which Henry replied, "your sentiments are precisely the same I have long since taken up, and they come recommended by you".{{sfn|Campbell|pp=225–226}} But it was Mason's plan for the government of Virginia which dominated, with amuch strongpower given to the [[Virginia House of Delegates]], the lower house of the legislature,. toThe beHouse knownof asDelegates and the [[Virginia HouseSenate of DelegatesVirginia]], andtogether aformed weakthe executiveGeneral Assembly, withas the Virginia legislature is known. Under the 1776 constitution, the governor, elected by the two houses of the legislature, was not even given the power to veto legislation and was required to act with the approval of the [[Colonial government in the Thirteen Colonies|Governor's Council]] on important matters. Henry opposed the weakness of the governor, feeling it was risky at a time of war to have the executive so weak, but his views did not prevail. He had reason to rue the office's lack of power, as on June 29, 1776, the convention elected him as Virginia's first post-independence governor, by 60 votes to 45 for [[Thomas Nelson Jr.]], elected him as Virginia's first post-independence governor.<ref name = "a" />{{sfn|Kukla|pp=214–217}} The election of Henry, at that time Virginia's most popular politician, helped assure acceptance of the new authorities.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=129–135}} but also placed him in a figurehead position, removed from the true power in the new government, the House of Delegates.{{sfn|McDonnell|p=244}}

Henry was taken ill almost immediately upon being sworn in as governor on July 5, and recuperated at Scotchtown. He returned to Williamsburg in September, and corresponded with General Washington about the military situation. Washington, who was less effective because of the inadequacies of his troops, complained about the state militias, feeling a [[Continental Army]] committed for the duration of the war was needed. Henry helped recruit new troops for Washington, but his efforts were hampered by a number ofseveral issues, including the weakness of Henry's office. In December 1776, hewith procuredthe temporaryGeneral expandedAssembly powersalarmed fromat reports Washington's army was in retreat as the HouseBritish ofoccupied DelegatesPhiladelphia, legislators granted Henry temporary expanded powers, something that Jefferson was still unhappy about years later, feeling that Henry was trying to set himself up as dictator. In March 1777, Henry wrote to Washington seeking permission to recruit soldiers for terms of up to eight months. Washington's anger in his response that such troops were not useful caused Henry to drop the matter, stating that he deferred to Washington's experience in military matters. Recruiting remained a problem; many Virginians were willing to be members of the county militia, but did not want to join the [[Continental Army]] lest they be sent out of state or exposed to disease.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=129–135}}{{sfn|McDonnell|p=258}} Desertion was also a problem Henry labored to solve with limited success; many Virginians had been induced to enlist with promises they would not be sent outside the state or local area, and they left when orders came to march.{{sfn|McDonnell|p=266}}

Henry was elected to a second one-year term without opposition, and took the oath on July 2, 1777. On October 9 at Scotchtown, he married [[Dorothea Dandridge Henry|Dorothea Dandridge]], daughter of his old client, Nathaniel West Dandridge of Hanover County.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Foundation|first=Red Hill {{!}} Patrick Henry Memorial|title=Patrick Henry's Family|url=https://www.redhill.org/patrick-henry/patrick-henrys-family/|access-date=August 27, 2021|website=Red Hill {{!}} Patrick Henry Memorial Foundation|language=en-US|archive-date=April 12, 2022|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220412034014/https://www.redhill.org/patrick-henry/patrick-henrys-family/|url-status=live}}</ref> This made him closer kin to Washington, as Nathaniel Dandridge was [[Martha Washington]]'s uncle.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=247–248}} To add to the six children he had by Sarah Henry, he would have eleven more by Dorothea, though two by the second marriage died very young. She brought 12 slaves with her, adding to the 30 Patrick Henry already had. He sold Scotchtown in 1777, and moved to [[Leatherwood Plantation]] in [[Henry County, Virginia|Henry County]], which the General Assembly had just created and named for him.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=138–139}}

When Washington and his troops encamped [[Valley Forge National Historical Park|at Valley Forge]] in the winter of 1777–17781777–78, Henry arranged for livestock and other food to be sent to their relief. There was discontent against Washington, who was not seen by some as a successful general, and this resulted in the so-called [[Conway Cabal]]. Henry supported Washington when Dr. [[Benjamin Rush]] of Philadelphia, one of those unenthusiastic about Washington, sent the governor an unsigned letter, discussing machinations against the general. Henry immediately sent Washington the letter, and though it is uncertain if Henry recognized Rush's handwriting, Washington did, tipping him off to the conspiracy. President Washington wrote of Henry in 1794, "I have always respected and esteemed him; nay more, I have conceived myself under obligation to him for the friendly manner in which he transmitted to me some insidious anonymous writings in the close of the year 1777 with a view to embark him in the opposition that was forming against me at that time".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=233–238}}

In an effort to secure Virginia's vast claims in the West (to the Mississippi River, and north to present-day Minnesota) against British and Native American forces, Henry in December 1777 sent [[George Rogers Clark]] on an expedition against [[Kaskaskia, Illinois|Kaskaskia]], site of a British and French settlement. This part of Clark's mission was secret; his public orders merely stated he was to raise a militia and go to Kentucky (then part of Virginia). Clark captured Kaskaskia in July 1778, and remained north of the Ohio River for the remainder of Henry's governorship. Although the expedition did not turn out as well as hoped, Henry trumpeted its successes, but after he left the governorship in 1779 and was elected to the House of Delegates, he became a foe of Clark.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=139–141}}

[[File:Patrick Henry estate marker Henry County Virginia 1922.JPG|thumb|Boulder and plaque marking former location of Leatherwood Plantation in [[Henry County, Virginia]]]]

Henry was elected to a third term on May 29, 1778, again without opposition. Thomas Jefferson led the committee of notables sent to inform him of his election. Henry met the military quotas set by Congress each year of his governorship, while still sending troops to the West and to conflicts against the Native Americans. He did this despite rapid depreciation of Virginia's currency, which lost three-fourths of its value. In December 1778, Henry sent an urgent appeal to Congress for naval aid in protecting [[Chesapeake Bay]]. None was forthcoming,{{sfn|Campbell|pp=278–281}} and on May 8, 1779, in the final days of Henry's governorship, British ships under Sir [[George Collier]] entered the bay, landed troops, and took [[Portsmouth, Virginia|Portsmouth]] and [[Suffolk, Virginia|Suffolk]], destroying valuable supplies. The British departed on May 24, and Henry, limited to three consecutive terms in office by the 1776 constitution, left office soon after, succeeded by Jefferson, and with his family returned to Leatherwood.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=148–150}}

== Leatherwood and the House of Delegates (1779–1784)==

At Leatherwood, Henry devoted himself to local affairs in the thinly-populated county and was given seats on the county court (the local governing body), as prominent landowners were, and on the parish vestry. He refused to be elected a delegate to Congress, stating that his personal business and past illness made that impossible. When Governor Jefferson sent a note to him in early 1780, Henry replied with gratitude, complaining of his isolation, and wrote of his many concerns about the state of affairs as the war continued. The freeholders of Henry County soon thereafter sent its [[eponym]] to the House of Delegates. But within weeks, health problems recurred, causing his return to Leatherwood.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=341–342}} While in Richmond (where the capital had been moved) Henry opposed a congressional plan to revalue [[Early American currency|Continental currency]] and impose certain taxes, feeling it would mostly benefit the North. He was successful in defeating it, but after he left Richmond, supporters persuaded the legislature to pass it.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=153–155}} Once he returned home, he was heavily involved in efforts to recruit local volunteers to suppress bands of [[Loyalist (American Revolution)|Loyalists]] who were conducting raids in the frontier area. Henry rode with the troops, though he did not lead them, and they were generally successful in suppressing the resistance. The volunteers were disbanded in September 1780.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=245–247}}

In January 1781, British forces under the renegade former American general, [[Benedict Arnold]], sailed up the [[James River]] and captured Richmond with little opposition as Henry joined the other legislators and Governor Jefferson in fleeing to [[Charlottesville, Virginia|Charlottesville]]. Although Arnold soon withdrew to Portsmouth, in February, troops under [[Lord Cornwallis]] entered the state from North Carolina; the war, which had for the most part been fought out of state, would have many of its final moves played in Virginia. With Washington's army near New York, Henry sought to recruit soldiers to defend the state and in March helped draft an angry remonstrance from the House of Delegates to Congress, demanding help. Nevertheless, in May, British forces under Colonel [[Banastre Tarleton]] raided Charlottesville, nearly capturing the Virginia government, which fled to [[Staunton, Virginia|Staunton]].{{sfn|Kidd|pp=155–158}} There is a story that Henry fled with other prominent leaders and sought refuge at the home of a woman who initially spurned them as cowards for fleeing Charlottesville. But on learning Henry was with the group, she decided it must be all right, and offered them the best she had.{{sfn|Campbell|p=288}}

At Leatherwood, Henry devoted himself to local affairs in the thinly-populated county, and was given seats on the county court (as prominent landowners were) and the parish vestry. He refused to be elected a delegate to Congress, stating that his personal business and past illness made that impossible. When Governor Jefferson sent a note to him in early 1780, Henry replied with gratitude, complaining of his isolation, and wrote of his many concerns about the state of affairs, as the war continued. The freeholders of Henry County soon thereafter sent its [[eponym]] to the House of Delegates. But within weeks, health problems recurred, causing his return to Leatherwood.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=341–342}} While in Richmond (where the capital had been moved) Henry opposed a congressional plan to revalue [[Continental currency]] and impose certain taxes, feeling it would mostly benefit the North. He was successful in defeating it, but once he left Richmond, supporters got the legislature to pass it.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=153–155}} Once he returned home, he was heavily involved in efforts to recruit local volunteers to suppress bands of [[Loyalist (American Revolution)|Loyalists]] who were conducting raids in the frontier area. Henry rode with the troops, though he did not lead them, and they were generally successful in suppressing the resistance. The volunteers were disbanded in September 1780.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=245–247}}

Jefferson did not go to Staunton: his term as governor had just expired, but the legislature had not met to hold an election. After the raid, he took refuge at his farm in [[Bedford County, Virginia|Bedford County]], and Virginia had no governor for ten days. Several legislators complained of Jefferson's actions and called for an inquiry into the conduct of the executive (Jefferson and his council), and Henry was among those who took the lead. The resolution passed, but the inquiry was set for the next session, and the legislature thought better of it.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=289–291}} Jefferson was angered at Henry's actions and held a grudge that did not abate until well after Henry's death in 1799.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=159–160}}

Richmond had been made the capital since it was believed to be less exposed to attack than Williamsburg, but in January 1781, British forces under [[Benedict Arnold]] sailed up the [[James River]] and captured Richmond with little opposition as Henry joined the other legislators and Governor Jefferson in fleeing to [[Charlottesville, Virginia|Charlottesville]]. Although Arnold soon withdrew to Portsmouth, in February, troops under [[Lord Cornwallis]] entered the state from North Carolina as the war, which had for the most part been fought out of state, would have many of its final moves played in Virginia. With Washington's army near New York, Henry sought to recruit soldiers to defend the state, and in March helped draft an angry remonstrance from the House of Delegates to Congress, demanding help. But in May, British forces under Colonel [[Banastre Tarleton]] raided Charlottesville, nearly capturing the Virginia government, which fled to [[Staunton, Virginia|Staunton]].{{sfn|Kidd|pp=155–158}} There is a story that Henry fled with other prominent leaders, and sought refuge at the home of a woman who initially spurned them as cowards for fleeing Charlottesville. But on learning Henry was with the group, she decided it must be all right, and offered them the best she had.{{sfn|Campbell|p=288}}

With the war effectively ended by the American victory at the [[Siege of Yorktown (1781)|siege of Yorktown]], Henry served as delegate from his county through 1784, when he was elected again as governor. Peace brought many adjustments, and Henry sponsored legislation to reform Virginia's currency and to adjust payments from contracts still outstanding from before periods of high inflation. Jefferson and others wanted to reopen contracts that had been already settled but in depreciated currency; Henry thought that unjust, and because of his influence in the General Assembly, his version prevailed.<ref name = "a" />{{sfn|Campbell|pp=298–299}} This had international implications, as some of the creditors were British, who sought payment in hard money rather than the depreciated currency that had been paid into escrow.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=355–356}} At the May 1783 House of Delegates session, Henry successfully sponsored a resolution to repeal the trade embargo against Britain. That passed despite opposition from Speaker John Tyler Sr. Henry also introduced legislation to permit Loyalists to return to Virginia. There was considerable opposition to that, and the measure was held over until later in the year, by which time public sentiment had been gauged through meetings in each county. Henry spoke in the debate, asking "shall we, who have laid the proud British lion at our feet, be frightened of its whelps?"{{sfn|Kukla|pp=265–268}} Once it was amended (though in what way is not clear), the bill passed in November 1783.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=265–268}}

Jefferson did not go to Staunton: his term as governor had just expired, but the legislature had not met to hold an election. After the raid, he took refuge at his farm in [[Bedford County, Virginia|Bedford County]], and Virginia had no governor for ten days. A number of legislators complained of Jefferson's actions and called for an inquiry into the conduct of the executive (Jefferson and his council), and Henry was among those who took the lead. The resolution passed, but the inquiry was set for the next session, and the legislature thought better of it.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=289–291}} Jefferson was angered at Henry's actions, and held a grudge that did not abate until well after Henry's death in 1799.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=159–160}}

Henry worked together with James Madison, a delegate after three years in Congress, on a number of issues. They differed, though, on state support for Virginia's Protestant churches.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=356–359}} Madison, like Jefferson, desired a [[Separation of church and state|separation between church and state]] that meant no public financing of religion, but Henry believed that taxpayers who were Christians should be assessed for the maintenance of the Protestant church of their choice, financing an array of churches in the way that Anglicanism had been funded in Virginia until the start of the war. Henry was not alone in this belief; both Washington and Lee supported such plans. According to Thomas S. Kidd in his biography of Henry, "the general assessment plan is one of the main reasons Henry is not more widely esteemed as a Founder, for in this debate, he seems to have diverted from the progressive flow of history."{{sfn|Kidd|pp=167–168}} The General Assembly might well have passed the bill, but on November 17, 1784, the legislators elected Henry as governor. Madison believed that Henry took the position for family reasons—his wife and children were likely quite happy to be in Richmond rather than in remote Henry County—but the cost was Henry's bill as Madison got it postponed to the following year and eventually defeated. Instead, Madison got Jefferson's [[Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom|Statute for Religious Freedom]] through the legislature. This law requiring a separation of church and state passed the General Assembly in 1786.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=168–171}}

With the war effectively ended by the American victory at the [[Siege of Yorktown]], Henry served as delegate from his county through 1784, when he was elected again as governor. Peace brought many adjustments, and Henry sponsored a number of pieces of legislation to reform Virginia's currency and to adjust payments from contracts still outstanding from before periods of high inflation. Jefferson and others wanted to reopen contracts that had been already settled, but in depreciated currency, but Henry thought that unjust, and due to his influence in the General Assembly, his version prevailed.<ref name = "a" />{{sfn|Campbell|pp=298–299}} This had international implications, as some of the creditors were British, who sought payment in hard money rather than the depreciated currency that had been paid into escrow.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=355–356}} At the May 1783 House of Delegates session, Henry successfully sponsored a resolution to repeal the trade embargo against Britain. That passed despite opposition from John Tyler Sr., the Speaker. Henry also introduced legislation to permit Loyalists to return to Virginia. There was considerable opposition to that, and the measure was held over until later in the year, by which time public sentiment had been gauged through meetings in each county. Henry spoke in the debate, asking "shall we, who have laid the proud British lion at our feet, be frightened of its whelps?"{{sfn|Kukla|pp=265–268}} Once it was amended (though in what way is not clear), the bill passed in November 1783.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=265–268}}

Henry worked together with James Madison, a delegate after three years in Congress, on a number of issues. They differed, though, on state support for Virginia's Protestant churches.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=356–359}} Madison, like Jefferson, desired a separation between church and state that meant no public financing of religion, but Henry believed that taxpayers who were Christians should be assessed for the maintenance of the Protestant church of their choice, financing an array of churches in the way that Anglicanism had been funded in Virginia until the start of the war. Henry was not alone in this belief; both Washington and Lee supported such plans. According to Thomas S. Kidd in his biography of Henry, "the general assessment plan is one of the main reasons Henry is not more widely esteemed as a Founder, for in this debate, he seems to have diverted from the progressive flow of history."{{sfn|Kidd|pp=167–168}} The General Assembly might well have passed the bill, but on November 17, 1784, the legislators elected Henry as governor. Madison believed that Henry took the position for family reasons—his wife and children were likely quite happy to be in Richmond rather than in remote Henry County—but the cost was Henry's bill as Madison got it postponed to the following year and eventually defeated. Instead, Madison got Jefferson's [[Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom|Statute for Religious Freedom]] through the legislature. This law requiring a separation of church and state passed the General Assembly in 1786.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=168–171}}

== Second period as governor (1784–1786) ==

Henry's second time as governor was for two years, as the legislature re-elected him in 1785.{{sfn|Campbell|p=320}} It was, generally, more placid than his first. During this time, Henry and his family lived at "[[Salisbury (Chesterfield County, Virginia)|Salisbury]]", in [[Chesterfield County, Virginia|Chesterfield County]], about {{convert|13|mi}} from Richmond{{sfn|Campbell|pp=320–321}} in open country that he rented, though he had an official residence close to the [[Virginia State Capitol|Virginia Capitol]], which was then under construction. The General Assembly had passed legislation for new arms for the militia, and Henry worked with [[Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette|Lafayette]] to have them sent from France. The legislature had instructed Henry to give Revolutionary War veterans preference as county militia officers, but Henry found that trying to decide the rights and wrongs of this in distant counties between people he did not know resulted in many difficulties, and he asked the General Assembly to rescind the law.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=364–365}}

Each county's militia was under firm local control, a state of affairs that had resulted in problems during the war as local militia refused orders from Henry and other governors when asked to serve out of state or conscript recruits into the Continental Army. In 1784, seeking to bring the militias under central control, the General Assembly passed an act terminating all militia officer commissions and allowing Henry, with the consent of the Governor's Council, to appoint replacements. The Virginia Constitution required that there be a recommendation from the county court. Instead of asking the county court, Henry solicited recommendations from prominent citizens in each county whom he or his council members knew. The result was near revolt in the counties, as citizens protested the act as unconstitutional, and counties refused to obey. The law went widely unenforced, and in October 1785, Henry requested the legislators to repeal it; they complied the following year.{{sfn|McDonnell|pp=506–513}}

Residents of western North Carolina, what is today the state of Tennessee, sought to separate and become the [[State of Franklin]]. A former delegate, [[Arthur Campbell (Virginia soldier)|Arthur Campbell]], soughtwanted to join Virginia's adjacent [[Washington County, Virginia|Washington County]] as part of the scheme in 1785. Henry had Campbell removed as a militia officer and from his other county offices, as well as ousting Campbell's supporters, replacing them with residents of known loyalty.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=286–287}} Although Henry urged leniency in his report to the General Assembly that October, stating that the Washington County separatists had been led astray by anxiety duebecause toof the poor economy,{{sfn|Mayer|p=366}} Henryhe had the legislature pass a Treason Act forbidding the setting-up of a rival government within Virginia territory.{{sfn|Kukla|p=287}}

Henry also sought to advance Virginia's development, both as governor and through his personal investments. He backed schemes to open navigation on the upper Potomac and James rivers, envisioning canals to connect them to the [[Ohio River Valley]]. He also supported a scheme to havedevelop a canal across the [[Great Dismal Swamp]], believing that with it, the trade of Easterneastern North Carolina would flow through [[Norfolk, Virginia|Norfolk]]. He owned land along the proposed route, and sought to interest General Washington in the scheme, but was not successful. Despite Henry's support for internal improvements, he failed to notify VirgniaVirginia's representatives of their appointment to meet with Maryland over navigation on the Potomac, and only two, including George Mason, attended what became known as the [[Mount Vernon Conference]] (in 1785). [[Edmund Randolph]], unable to attend duebecause toof lack of timely notification, hinted that the reason for Henry's nonfeasanceneglect was not forgetfulness, but a growing hostility towards things federal. In 1786, Henry was more assiduous in notifying delegates to the [[Annapolis Conference]] called with the support of Madison, who was appointed a delegate.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=366–367}} Henry stepped down at the end of his fifth term, stating he needed to devote time to his family and earn money to support it.{{sfn|Kidd|p=181}} Randolph succeeded him as governor.

== Opponent of the Constitution (1787–1790) ==

Disinclined to return to distant Leatherwood after his time as governor ended in November 1786, heHenry hoped to purchase land in Hanover County but bought property in [[Prince Edward County, Virginia|Prince Edward County]] instead.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=370–371}} [[Hampden-Sydney College]], which Henryhe had helped found in 1775, is located in that county, and Henry enrolled his sons there. The local freeholders elected Henry to the House of Delegates in early 1787, and he would serveserved there until the end of 1790. The new governor, Governor Randolph, offered to make Henry a delegate to the [[Constitutional Convention (United States)|Constitutional Convention]], scheduled to meet in Philadelphia later that year to consider changes to the [[Articles of Confederation]], the document that had governed the weakloose union among the states since 1777.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=319–320}} Henry refused the appointment, alleging it would be difficult financially.<ref name = "a" /> One legend is that when Henry was asked why he had not gone, he replied, "I smelt a rat."{{sfn|Kidd|pp=182–183}}

Henry's record of urging unity made him a potential supporter of a closer bond between the states, and as late as the end of 1786, Madison hoped for Henry as an ally in the fight. A number ofSeveral factors had eroded Henry's trust in the Northern states, including what he deemed Congress's failure to send adequate troops to protect Virginia settlers in the Ohio River Valley. Henry was outraged by the [[Jay–Gardoqui Treaty]], which would have ceded exclusive navigation on the Mississippi River to Spain for 25 years.{{sfn|Kidd|p=177}} This was in exchange for commercial concessions that would benefit New England, where there was a growing separatist movement. Northern votes were sufficient to relax [[John Jay|Jay]]'s]] negotiating instructions, which had originally forbidden restricting American navigation on the Mississippi, to allow him to reach a deal; Southern votes were sufficient to block the treaty's ratification. These events caused Henry and some other Virginia leaders to feel betrayed, and to have little trust in the good faith of the North.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=300–305}}

When the Philadelphia convention adjourned in September 1787, its president, Washington, returned home and immediately sent a copy of the new [[Constitution of the United States|Constitution]] to Henry, recommending he support it. Henry, was in Richmond for the autumn legislative session as delegate for Prince Edward County,. afterWhile thanking Washington for presiding in Philadelphia and for sending the document, he said of it, "I have to lament that I cannot bring my Mind to accord with the proposed Constitution. The Concern I feel on this account is really greater than I am able to express."{{sfn|Kukla|p=307}} He hinted, howeverthough, that he was still open to changing his mind. This allowed Henry to remain noncommittal as opponents of the Constitution, such as Mason and Edmund Randolph (both delegates at Philadelphia) published their opinions, and to refine his views.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=307–310}} In the initial Virginia battle over the Constitution, the call for a convention to decide whether the state should ratify it, Henry and Mason were among those who supported allowing the convention to ratify it conditional on amendments being made. The matter was compromised with language allowing the convention's members full rein in deciding what to do, and it was set for June 1788, with elections in March; both those who supported it and those who did not felt time would be to their advantage.{{sfn|Mayer|pp=381–382}}

Henry was elected to the convention from Prince Edward County without difficulty, though [[John Blair Smith]], president of Hampden-Sydney, caused him some annoyance by having students read at an assembly, in Henry's presence, a speech by Henry on the subject of the Constitution and Smith's own rebuttal.{{sfn|Mayer|p=391}} Henry opposed the Constitution because of its grant of a strong executive, the president; he had not fought to free Virginia from King George to surrender such powers to what might prove a despot. Henry accordingly deemed the Constitution a backwards step, and a betrayal of those who had died in the Revolutionary cause.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=191–192}} At the [[Virginia Ratifying Convention]], which began on June 2, 1788,{{sfn|Kukla|p=321}} according to Kidd, Henry's "personality blazed in all its power and glory."{{sfn|Kidd|p=194}} Henry suggested that the framers of the ConstituitionConstitution had no right to begin it "We the People" and ignore the powers of the states. He suggested that the document put too much power in the hands of too few.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=194–195}} He noted that the Constitution, proposed without a [[United States Bill of Rights|Bill of Rights]], did not protect individual rights,:

{{quote|Will the abandonment of your most sacred rights tend the security of your liberty? Liberty, the greatest of all earthly blessings—give us that precious jewel and you may take everything else. But I fear I have lived long enough to become an old-fashioned fellow. Perhaps an invincible attachment to the dearest rights of man may, in these refined, enlightened days, be deemed old-fashioned: if so, I am contented to be so.{{sfn|Campbell|p=340}}}}

Madison, the lead supporter of the Constitution, was inhibited in replying to Henry's criticisms, since he was ill through most of the convention. Henry likely realized he was fighting a losing battle as sentiment in the convention moved towards ratification, but he continued to speak at length,{{sfn|Kidd|pp=200–201}} and his speeches fill nearly one-quarter of the pages of the Richmond convention's debates.{{sfn|Campbell|p=335}} Governor Randolph, who had become a supporter of ratification, suggested that if the convention allowed Henry to continue arguing, it would last six months rather than six weeks.{{sfn|Kidd|p=201}} Henry was somewhat mollified, afterAfter the convention voted on June 2125<ref>{{Cite web|last1=M. A.|first1=History|last2=B. A.|first2=History|title=The Order in Which the States Ratified the US Constitution|url=https://www.thoughtco.com/ratification-order-of-constitution-105416|access-date=July 15, 2020|website=ThoughtCo|language=en|archive-date=November 8, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201108001653/https://www.thoughtco.com/ratification-order-of-constitution-105416|url-status=live}}</ref> to ratify the Constitution, Henry was somewhat mollified by the fact that the convention thenhad proposed about 40 amendments; some of them were later incorporated in the Bill of Rights. George Mason, Henry's ally in opposing ratification, proposedintended a fiery diatribe on the faults of the new plan of government; he was talked out of it. By one account, Henry told other opponents that he had done his duty in opposing ratificationsratification, and as republicans, with the issues settled in a democratic way, they had best all go home. Madison wrote to Washington that Henry still hoped for amendments to weaken the power of the federal government, possibly to be proposed by a second national convention.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=207–208}}

Henry returned to the House of Delegates, where he successfully defeated Madison's effort to become federal senator from Virginia, for under the original Constitution, senators were elected by legislators, not the people.. Although Henry made it clear he would not serve in office outside Virginia, he received a number of votes in the election. Madison gained election to the House of Representatives in a district where he was opposed by [[James Monroe]], though Madison's supporters complained that Henry's supporters in the legislature had unfairly placed Orange County, Madison's county,home Orangecounty, in a district leaning anti-Federalist. Henry also saw to it that the requested amendments were incorporated in petitions from the legislature to the federal Congress. Despite his qualms, Henry served as one of Virginia's presidential electors, voting for Washington (elected President) and John Adams (elected Vice President).{{sfn|Campbell|pp=375–377}} Henry was disappointed when the [[1st United States Congress|First Congress]] passed only amendments dealing with personal liberties, not those designed to weaken the government.{{sfn|Campbell|pp=378–379}}

A final cause Henry engaged in before leaving the House of Delegates at the end of 1790<ref name = "a" /> was over the [[Funding Act of 1790]], by which the federal government took over the debts of the states, much of which dated from the Revolutionary War. On November &nbsp;3, of that year1790, Henry introduced a resolution, which would bewas passed by the House of Delegates and by the [[Senate of Virginia|state Senate]], declaring the act "repugnant to the constitution of the United States, as it goes to the exercise of a power not granted to the general [federal] government".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=385–366}} This would prove the first of many resolutions passed by Southern state legislatures in the decades to come, defending [[states' rights]] and strict interpretation of the Constitution.{{sfn|Kukla|p=368}}

== Later years ==

[[File:Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial - his fame his best epitaph.jpg|thumb|Graves of Patrick Henry and his wife Dorothea in the family burying ground at [[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial|Red Hill]]. Henry's inscription reads, "His fame his best epitaph".]]

Leaving the House of Delegates after 1790, Henry found himself in debt, owing in part to expenses while governor, and sought to secure his family's forturne through land speculation and a return to the practice of law. Not fully reconciled to the federal government, Henry contemplated a new republic in the thinly-settled frontier lands, but his plans came to nothing.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=218–221}} He did not travel as widely for cases as he had in the 1760s, confining his practice mostly to Prince Edward and Bedford counties, though in a compelling case, or for a large enough fee, he would travel to Richmond or over the mountains to [[Greenbrier County, West Virginia|Greenbrier County]] (today in West Virginia).{{sfn|Mayer|p=463}}

Leaving the House of Delegates after 1790, Henry found himself in debt, owing in part to expenses while governor, and sought to secure his family's fortune through land speculation and a return to the practice of law. Not fully reconciled to the federal government, Henry contemplated a new republic in the sparsely settled frontier lands, but his plans came to nothing.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=218–221}} He did not travel as widely for cases as he had in the 1760s, confining his practice mostly to Prince Edward and Bedford counties, though in a compelling case, or for a large enough fee, he would travel to Richmond or over the mountains to [[Greenbrier County, West Virginia|Greenbrier County]] (today in West Virginia).{{sfn|Mayer|p=463}}

When the [[List of former United States district courts#Virginia|new federal court]] opened in Virginia in 1790, British creditors promptly filed over a hundred cases seeking to enforce claims from the [[American Revolutionary War|Revolutionary War]]. Henry was part of the defense team in ''Jones v. Walker'' before the federal court in 1791; his co-counsel included [[John Marshall]], who prepared the written pleadings while Henry argueddid much of the casecourtroom in courtadvocacy. Henry argued the case for three days; Marshall, looking back, called him "a great orator&nbsp;... and much more, a learned lawyer, a most accurate thinker, and a profound reasoner".{{sfn|Kukla|pp=370–372}} The case ended inconclusively after one of the judges died, but the legal teams reassembled for the case of ''[[Ware v. Hylton]]''. Argued before another three-judge panel that included [[Chief Justice of the United States]] John Jay and Associate Justice [[James Iredell]], Henry's argument provoked Justice Iredell to exclaim, "Gracious God! He is an orator indeed."{{sfn|Kukla|pp=372–373}} Henry and Marshall were initially successful, but the plaintiffs appealed, and after the future chief justiceMarshall argued his only case before the Supreme Court, that court in 1796 ruled for the British creditors in 1796.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=373–374}}

Henry's friendship with [[George Washington|Washington]] had cooled somewhat amid the ratification debates, but by 1794, both men were looking to reconcile. Henry found himself more aligned with Washington than with [[Thomas Jefferson|Jefferson]] and [[James Madison|Madison]], and Washington still considered himself indebted to Henry for notifying him about the Conway Cabal. Washington offered Henry a seat on the Supreme Court in 1794, but he refused, feeling his family needed him. Washington also tried to get Henry to accept positions as Secretary of State and as minister to Spain, and Virginia Governor [[Henry Lee III|"Light-Horse" Harry Lee]] wanted to appoint him to the Senate. Henry refused each time. Henry's continuing popularity in Virginia made him an attractive ally, and even Jefferson tried to recruit him, sending word though a mutual friend that he bore no grudge.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=224–229}} After Washington made it clear he would not seek a third term in 1796, Marshall and Harry Lee discussed a possible Henry run for president with him, but Henry was unwilling. The General Assembly elected him as governor again that year, but he declined, citing age and health. Henry's refusal to accept these offices increased his popularity as he was, like Washington, seen as a [[Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus|Cincinnatus]], giving up power to return to his farm and his plow.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=234–236}}

Henry sold his property in [[Prince Edward County, Virginia|Prince Edward County]] in 1792, moving with his family to Long Island, a plantation in [[Campbell County, Virginia|Campbell County]]. In 1794, Henry purchased [[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial|Red Hill]] near [[Brookneal, Virginia]] in [[Charlotte County, Virginia|Charlotte County]], where he and his family lived much of the year, though they moved to Long Island in the "sickly season".{{sfn|Campbell|p=388}} Henry was gratified at the election of his old friend John Adams as president in 1796 over his foe Jefferson, but Henry's commitment to the [[Federalist Party]] was tested by the repressive [[Alien and Sedition Acts]] of 1798. He chose to say nothing but supported the campaign of Marshall, a moderate Federalist, for the House of Representatives; Marshall won narrowly. Henry was under considerable pressure from Virginia Federalists to return to politics, but it was not until former president Washington urged him to run for the legislature in early 1799 that Henry gave in.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=239–239}} Turning down an offer from President Adams to make him an envoy to France, Henry was elected as delegate from Charlotte County on March 4, 1799. The legislature had no immediate session scheduled, so he returned to Red Hill and never left again, dying there of [[Intussusception (medical disorder)|intussusception]] at his home on June 6, 1799.<ref>{{Cite web|title=VMHB.ph|url=https://chnm.gmu.edu/courses/henriques/hist615/vmhb.htm|access-date=August 27, 2021|website=chnm.gmu.edu|archive-date=November 28, 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211128230055/https://chnm.gmu.edu/courses/henriques/hist615/vmhb.htm|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|title=Patrick Henry: Champion of Liberty {{!}} AMERICAN HERITAGE|url=https://www.americanheritage.com/patrick-henry-champion-liberty|access-date=August 27, 2021|website=www.americanheritage.com}}</ref> He was buried at Red Hill.{{sfn|Campbell|p=418}} In Henry's will, he left his estates and his 67 slaves to be divided between his wife and his six sons. He did not free any slaves, despite his speeches against enslavement by tyrants and despite his various comments opposing the institution of slavery itself.<ref>{{cite web|title=Henry's Will|url=https://www.redhill.org/biography/henrys-will|access-date=January 14, 2018|publisher=[[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial]]|archive-date=November 1, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201101124817/https://www.redhill.org/biography/henrys-will|url-status=live}}</ref>

[[File:Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial - his fame his best epitaph.jpg|thumb|left|Graves of Patrick Henry and his wife Dorothea in the family burying ground at Red Hill. Patrick's is on the right; the inscription reads, "His fame his best epitaph".]]

Henry sold his property in Prince Edward County in 1792, moving with his family to Long Island, a plantation in [[Campbell County, Virginia|Campbell County]]. In 1794 Henry purchased Red Hill near [[Brookneal, Virginia]] in [[Charlotte County, Virginia|Charlotte County]], where he and his family lived much of the year, though they moved to Long Island in the "sickly season".{{sfn|Campbell|p=388}} Henry was gratified at the election of his old friend John Adams as president in 1796 over his foe Jefferson, but Henry's commitment to the [[Federalist Party]] was tested by the repressive [[Alien and Sedition Acts]] of 1798. He chose to say nothing, but supported the campaign of Marshall, a moderate Federalist, for the House of Representatives; Marshall won narrowly. Henry was under considerable pressure from Virginia Federalists to return to politics, but it was not until former president Washington urged him to run for the legislature in early 1799 that Henry gave in.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=239–239}} Turning down an offer from President Adams to make him an envoy to France, Henry was elected as delegate from Charlotte County on March 4, 1799. The legislature had no immediate session scheduled, so he returned to Red Hill, and never left again, dying there of a stomach ailment on June 6, 1799.{{sfn|Kukla|pp=392–393}} He was buried at Red Hill.{{sfn|Campbell|p=418}}

The tributes to Henry upon his death were many. The ''Virginia Gazette'' printed a death notice bordered in black, "As long as our rivers flow, or mountains stand, Virginia&nbsp;... will say to rising generations, imitate my H&nbsp;{{small|E&nbsp;N&nbsp;R&nbsp;Y}}".{{sfn|Kukla|p=393}} The ''Petersburg Intelligencer'' regretted the death of a man who might have been able "to conciliate all parties and produce that harmony and accord" needed at a time of national controversy.{{sfn|Kukla|p=393}} The ''Argus'', a paper which supported Jefferson's faction, noted that Henry "pointed out those evils in our Constitution&nbsp;... against which we now complain&nbsp;... If any are deposeddisposed to censure Mr. Henry for his late political transition [to supporting the Federalists], if anything has been written on that subject, let the [[Genius (mythology)|Genius]] of American Independence drop a tear, and blot it out forever."{{sfn|Mayer|p=474}}

==Monuments and memorials==

[[File:Red Hill Charlotte County Virginia 1907.jpg|thumb|right|[[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial|Red Hill Plantation]], [[Charlotte County, Virginia]], circa 1907]]

Several of Henry's homes are recognized for their association with him. [[Scotchtown (plantation)|Scotchtown]] Plantation is a [[National Historic Landmark]].<ref>{{cite web|title=National Historic Landmarks Program|publisher=National Park Service|url=https://www.nps.gov/nhl/find/statelists/va/VA.pdf|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=August 1, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170801102536/https://www.nps.gov/nhl/find/statelists/va/VA.pdf|url-status=live}}</ref> The [[Red Hill Patrick Henry National Memorial]] preserves Henry's final home, gravesite, and his restored law office.<ref>{{cite web|title=Red Hill—The Patrick Henry National Memorial|url=https://www.redhill.org/about/redhill|publisher=Patrick Henry Memorial Foundation|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=October 18, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201018173036/https://www.redhill.org/about/redhill|url-status=live}}</ref> The [[Birthplace of Patrick Henry|site of his birthplace]], which burned in 1807 and is now reduced to archaeological remains, is also preserved;<ref>{{cite web|title=Studley|url=http://roadtorevolution.com/studley/|publisher=Road to Revolution Heritage Trail Consortium|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=March 20, 2014|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140320184759/http://roadtorevolution.com/studley/|url-status=live}}</ref> it is listed on the [[National Register of Historic Places]].<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.nationalregisterofhistoricplaces.com/va/hanover/vacant.html|title=VIRGINIAVirginia - Hanover County - Vacant / Not In Use|publisher=[[National Register of Historic Places]]|access-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=August 6, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200806040151/http://www.nationalregisterofhistoricplaces.com/va/hanover/vacant.html|url-status=live}}</ref> A plaque placed by the [[Daughters of the American Revolution]] marks the site of Leatherwood in Henry County.<ref>{{cite web|publisher=[[Daughters of the American Revolution]]|access-date=September 21, 2017|title=Patrick Henry Monument|url=https://www.dar.org/national-society/historic-sites-and-properties/patrick-henry-monument|archive-date=March 29, 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190329230057/https://www.dar.org/national-society/historic-sites-and-properties/patrick-henry-monument|url-status=live}}</ref>

|publisher=[[National Register of Historic Places]]|accessdate=September 21, 2017}}</ref> A plaque placed by the [[Daughters of the American Revolution]] marks the site of Leatherwood, in Henry County.<ref>{{cite web|publisher = [[Daughters of the American Revolution]]|accessdate=September 21, 2017|title=Patrick Henry Monument|url=https://www.dar.org/national-society/historic-sites-and-properties/patrick-henry-monument}}</ref>

Henry helped found Hampden-Sydney College, believing that "every free state" should promote "useful knowledge amongst its citizens".<ref name = "sydney" /> He was an original trustee and sent seven of his sons there. Henry was instrumental in getting its charter passed by the General Assembly in 1783.<ref name = "sydney" >{{cite web|title=Hampden-Sydney|url=http://roadtorevolution.com/hampden-sydney-college/|publisher=Road to Revolution Heritage Trail Consortium|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=October 26, 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161026154702/http://roadtorevolution.com/hampden-sydney-college/|url-status=live}}</ref> [[Emory and Henry College]] in [[Emory, Virginia]] was named for him and [[John Emory]], an early bishop in Virginia. According to the college, "Bishop Emory symbolizes belief in the union of faith and learning, while Governor Henry represents the commitment to the ideals of freedom and civic virtue."<ref>{{cite web|publisher=[[Emory and Henry College]]|url=http://www.ehc.edu/about/history-mission-culture/history/|title=History of the College|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=September 29, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170929024543/http://www.ehc.edu/about/history-mission-culture/history/|url-status=live}}</ref>

[[Fort Henry (West Virginia)|Fort Henry]] stood in what is now [[Wheeling, West Virginia]], but was at the time part of Virginia. It was built in 1774 and named Fort Fincastle after one of Lord Dunmore's titles, but was renamed for Henry, then governor, after independence.<ref>{{cite web|last=Brooks|first=A.B.|title=Story of Fort Henry|url=http://www.wvculture.org/history/journal_wvh/wvh1-2.html|publisher=West Virginia Archives and History|date=January 1940|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=September 19, 2000|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20000919233648/http://www.wvculture.org/history/journal_wvh/wvh1-2.html|url-status=live}}</ref> Fort Patrick Henry was built during the American Revolutionary War along the [[Holston River|South Fork Holston River]] at the present-day site of [[Kingsport, Tennessee]].<ref>{{cite webencyclopedia|last=Nance|first=Benjamin C.|title=Fort Patrick Henry|url=http://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entry.php?rec=493|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|workencyclopedia=Tennessee Encyclopedia of History and Culture|archive-date=September 22, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170922003706/http://tennesseeencyclopedia.net/entry.php?rec=493|url-status=live}}</ref> This fort serves as the namesake of [[Fort Patrick Henry Dam]] and its reservoir on the river.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.tva.com/sites/fortpatrickhenry.htm|title=Fort Patrick Henry Reservoir|publisher=Tennessee Valley Authority|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=July 2, 2015|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150702094215/http://www.tva.com/sites/fortpatrickhenry.htm|url-status=dead}}</ref> At least threefour ships have been named in Henry's honor: the passenger and freight [[Packet boat|packet]] ship ''[[Patrick Henry (packet)|Patrick Henry]]'', the Civil War [[Confederate States Navy|Confederate Navy]] [[steamboat]] {{ship|CSS|Patrick Henry}}, [[World War II]] [[Liberty ship]] {{SS|Patrick Henry}} and the [[ballistic missile submarine]] {{USS|Patrick Henry|SSBN-599}}.

[[Camp Patrick Henry]] was a World War II-era military camp near [[Newport News, Virginia]]. Decommissioned in 1946, it became the site of the [[Newport News/Williamsburg International Airport]] on {{convert|925|acre|km2}}. When opened in 1949, the airport was called Patrick Henry Field, and was later renamed Patrick Henry International Airport, a name it retained until 1990. The airport code is still PHF.<ref>{{cite web|title=Existing Conditions|url=http://flyphf.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/D_PHF-CH-1-Existing-Conditions.pdf|publisher=Newport News/Williamsburg International Airport]|format=pdf|pages=1-61–6 through 1-81–8|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=August 6, 2020|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200806043819/http://flyphf.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/D_PHF-CH-1-Existing-Conditions.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref>

<!--Title was 'US Post Office Department' in 1955 -->

Patrick Henry has been honored twice on U.S. postage stamps. On October 7, 1955, the [[United States Post Office Department]] issued a $1 [[definitive stamp]] honoring Henry, one of the high values in the [[Liberty issue]]. A painting of Henry by American artist [[Alonzo Chappel (1828–1887)]] was used as the inspiration and as the model by the engraver for this issue.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2029097|title=Arago: 1-dollar Henry|publisher=[[National Postal Museum]]|first=Steven J.|last=Rod|date=May 16, 2006|accessdate access-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=November 5, 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111105053221/http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2029097|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1960–1961, the U.S. Post Office issued the American Credo series, six stamps with well-known patriotic quotations. Patrick Henry's most famous words are inscribed on the final issue in the series, a 4-cent stamp first released in Richmond on January 11, 1961.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2032849|title=4-cent Henry quotation|publisher=[[National Postal Museum]]|first=Rod |last=Juell|date=November 3, 2008|accessdateaccess-date=September 21, 2017|archive-date=November 5, 2011|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111105053151/http://arago.si.edu/index.asp?con=1&cmd=1&tid=2032849|url-status=live}}</ref>

{| style="margin:1em auto;"

<gallery class="center">

|[[File:Patrick Henry .1955-$1.jpg|thumb|upright=0.7|Patrick Henry $1 stamp, [[Liberty issue]], 1955]]

|[[File:Credo Liberty or Death.jpg|thumb|upright=1.24|1961 issue honoring Henry in the American Credo series]]

|}

</gallery>

== Legacy and historical view ==

As historian [[Richard Beeman]] put it, Henry was a man who "did not bother to write much of anything down", a handicap when being evaluated by history.{{sfn|Beeman|p=302}} The lack of primary source materials regarding Henry—only a handful of papers and a few of his speeches survive—has frustrated Henry's biographers from Wirt (1817) to Beeman (1974):. Wirt commented twoTwo years before publishing his book, Wirt commented: "It is all speaking, speaking, speaking. 'Tis true he could talk—Gods! how he ''could'' talk! but&nbsp;... to make the matter worse, from 1763 to 1789&nbsp;... not one of his speeches lives in print, writing or memory".{{sfn|Beeman|p=301}} Beeman, for his part, concludedconcludes, "the Revolutionary firebrand, whatever his achievements, possessed a miserable sense of history".{{sfn|Beeman|p=301}} This was a deficiency not possessed by Jefferson, who not only survived Henry by a quarter century, but who got to fill the vacuum of information about Henry with his own recollections and opinions.{{sfn|Beeman|pp=301–302}} Wirt did not print many of Jefferson's criticisms of Henry, whichwho had irritated the former presidentJefferson to such an extent he was still mentioningcriticizing itHenry to guests at [[Monticello]] in 1824.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=246–247}} Nevertheless, Jefferson's negative assessments of Henry, whether justified or not, have sulliedadversely theaffected latterHenry's historical reputation.{{sfn|Beeman|p=302}}

Henry has always been acclaimed by Americans for the brilliance of his political oratory.{{sfn|Kidd|p=247}} Kukla wrotewrites, "Henry explained the Revolution to ordinary men and women through America in words they understood—and inspired them to fight for liberty."{{sfn|Kukla|p=394}} Mayer arguedargues, "Henry had forged a popular and partisan political style whose democratic implications took another generation to realize fully and accept. His career pointed the transition from the political squirearchy of the eighteenth century to the mass politics of [[Andrew Jackson]]'s day".{{sfn|Mayer|p=474}} In his study of Henry's oratory, David A. McCants suggestedsuggests that Henry's position as great American orator of his day was not so much duebecause toof his "heroism and eloquence" but for adapting the clashing philosophies, religious and political, that met in Henry's Virginia, to create a new style of oratory that appealed to the masses.{{sfn|McCants|pp=3–5}} According to Tate, "by his unmatched oratorical powers, by employing a certain common touch to win the unwavering loyalty of his constituents, and by closely identifying with their interests, he almost certainly contributed to making the Revolution a more widely popular movement than it might otherwise have become".<ref name= "a" /> Kidd arguedargues that the historical focus on the quality of Henry's oratory may result from a discomfort with the content of his speeches, especially his opposition to the Constitution.{{sfn|Kidd|p=247}}

During the [[American Civil War|Civil War]] era, both sides claimed Henry as a partisan, with [[abolitionistAbolitionism in the United States|abolitionists]]s citing his writings against slavery, whileand those sympathetic to the Southern cause pointedpointing to his hostility to the Constitution. That opposition by Henry came to be seen by many writers, even those friendly to Henry, as a blot on an otherwise admirable career.{{sfn|Kidd|pp=247–249}} Beeman, writing in 1986, just before the Constitution's bicentennial, predicted that during that anniversary, "it will be hard to avoid depicting Henry as one of history's losers, as one too short-sighted to see beyond the bounds of his own native state to glimpse the promise of national greatness embodied in the federal Constitution."{{sfn|Beeman|pp=302–303}}

Henry has been cited as a hero to both Left and Right, but has become ana especialparticular favorite of the latter. He is especially attractive to Christian conservatives, who cite his deep religious beliefs, as well as his writings and speeches in favor of Christian virtue, and in defense of religious liberty. Because Henry was educated at home, by his father, he has become a symbol of the [[homeschooling]] movement. In 2000, [[Patrick Henry College]] was founded in [[Purcellville, Virginia]], in large part for those who had been homeschooled. Although Henry's most famous declaration has proved as adaptable as ever in the hands of the Right (one sign at a [[Tea Party movement|Tea Party]] rally in 2010 read "Give Me Liberty or Give Me Debt"), according to Kidd, "few Americans today, Tea Partiers or others, take seriously Henry's fundamental criticisms of the Constitution."{{sfn|Kidd|pp=249–250}}

Tate wrotewrites of Henry, "Of the numerous leaders who were active largely at the state level and who generally opposed ratification of the Federal Constitution, Henry was one of the few who came to be ranked among the truly major figures of the American Revolution."<ref name = "a" /> Kukla concurredconcurs, noting that except for two years in the Continental Congress, Henry never held national office, "and yet he was a founder of the republic".{{sfn|Kukla|p=393}} Kidd notednotes the hazy view of Henry that Americans today have,:

{{quote|

Henry's memory has taken on a vague, patriotic cast that fails to capture his fractious yet exemplary life. The "real" Henry was branded a traitor and apostate on multiple occasions by his many enemies, including Thomas Jefferson. His vision of the American republic was not a matter of sentiment and grand words and gestures; it was grounded in virtue, religious faith, and responsive local government. Standing against his fellow Founders James Madison and Thomas Jefferson at almost every turn in the 1780s and '90s, and steadfastly opposing the adoption of the Constitution, he was the boldest of patriots.{{sfn|Kidd|p=254}}

}}

==See also==

*[[Gerrymandering in the United States]]

*[[History of Virginia]]

*[[William H. Roane]] (grandson)

*[[William Wirt Henry]] (grandson)

==Notes==

{{Reflist|30em20em}}

===Source bibliography===

==Bibliography ==

*{{cite journal|last=Beeman|first=Richard R.|authorlinkauthor-link=Richard Beeman|title=The Democratic Faith of Patrick Henry|journal=The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography|volume=95|issue=3 |date=July 1987|pages=301–316|issn=0042-6636|ref={{sfnRef|Beeman}}}}

*{{cite book|last=Campbell|first=Norine Dickson|title=Patrick Henry: Patriot and Statesman|url=https://archive.org/details/patrickhenrypatr0000camp|url-access=registration|year=1969|location=New York, NY|publisher=The Devin-Adair Company|isbn=9780815965015|oclc=694997|ref={{sfnRef|Campbell}}}}

* Chernow, Ron (2005). Alexander Hamilton. Penguin.

*{{cite book|last=Kidd|first=Thomas S.|year=2011|title=Patrick Henry: First Among Patriots|location=New York, NY|publisher=Basic Books|url=https://books.google.com/books/about/Patrick_Henry.html?id=5MCnzrset38C|isbn=978-0-465-00928-2|ref={{sfnRef|Kidd}}}}

*{{cite book |last=KuklaKidd |first=JonThomas S.|year=2011|title=Patrick Henry: ChampionFirst ofAmong Liberty|year=2017Patriots|location=New York, NY|publisher=SimonBasic Books|url=https://archive.org/details/patrickhenryfirs0000kidd_o4b5 & Schuster|isbn=978-10-4391465-908100928-42|ref={{sfnRef|KuklaKidd}}}}

*{{cite book|last=MayerKukla|first=HenryJon|title=A Son of Thunder: Patrick Henry: andChampion theof American RepublicLiberty|year=2017|location=New York, NY|publisher=GroveSimon Press|url=https://books.google.com/books/about/A_Son_of_Thunder.html?id=dPPT0miYV3QC& Schuster|isbn=978-01-80214391-38159081-64|ref={{sfnRef|MayerKukla}}}}

*{{cite book|last=Mayer|first=Henry|title=A Son of Thunder: Patrick Henry and the American Republic|location=New York, NY|year=1986|publisher=Grove Press|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=dPPT0miYV3QC|isbn=978-0-8021-3815-6|ref={{sfnRef|Mayer}}}}

*{{cite book|last=McCants|first=David A.|title=Patrick Henry, the Orator|year=1990|location=Westport, CT|publisher=Greenwood Press|isbn=978-0-313-26210-4|ref={{sfnRef|McCants}}}}

*{{cite book|last=McDonnell|first=Michael A.|publisher=The University of North Carolina Press|location=Chapel Hill, NC|title=The Politics of War: Race, Class and Conflict in Revolutionary Virginia|year=2012|isbn=978-1-4696-0107-6|ref={{sfnRef|McDonnell}}}}

*{{cite book|last=Meade|first=Robert D.|year=1957|title=Patrick Henry: Patriot in the Making|location=Philadelphia, PA|publisher=Lippincott|oclc= 964630|ref={{sfnRef|Meade}}}}

*{{cite book|lastlast1=RaphaelMorgan|firstfirst1=RayEdmund S.|yearlast2=2004Morgan|titlefirst2=FoundingHelen Myths:M.|publisher=The StoriesUniversity thatof HideNorth OurCarolina Patriotic PastPress|location=NewChapel YorkHill, NYNC|publishertitle=The NewStamp PressAct Crisis: Prologue to Revolution|year=1995|orig-year=1953|isbn=978-10-565848078-9214513-14|ref={{sfnRef|RaphaelMorgan and Morgan}}}}

*{{cite book|last=Raphael|first=Ray|year=2004|title=Founding Myths: Stories that Hide Our Patriotic Past|location=New York, NY|publisher=The New Press|isbn=978-1-56584-921-1|ref={{sfnRef|Raphael}}|url=https://archive.org/details/isbn_9781565849211}}

==Further reading==

Line 238 ⟶ 300:

===Primary sources===

* WilliamCouvillon, Wirt HenryMark, ed. ''Patrick Henry,: Life,Corrections Correspondence,of andbiographical Speechesmistakes...'' (18911996), 3 vol.)Brookneal, reprintsVirginia: muchPatrick ofHenry theMemorial existing primaryFoundation. sourceISBN material1-931196-10-9

* Elson, James M., ed. ''[https://books.google.com/books?id=TnkrAQAAIAAJ Patrick Henry in his Speeches and Writings and in the Words of his Contemporaries]'' (2007), Lynchburg, Virginia: Warwick House Publishers. {{ISBN|9780979036750}}

* Henry, William Wirt, ed. ''Patrick Henry, Life, Correspondence, and Speeches'' (1891, 3 vol.), reprints much of the existing primary source material

==External links==

{{sister project links}}

*[https://web.archive.org/web/20110806044705/http://www.redhill.org/life/default.html Henry's Early Life and Times] from Patrick Henry National Memorial

*[https://web.archive.org/web/20100410164821/http://www.patrickhenry.com/index.html Patrick Henry, Voice of the American Revolution]

* {{Gutenberg author | id=Henry,+Patrick | name=Patrick Henry}}

*[http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/subject/9563 Patrick Henry] as subject at [[Project Gutenberg]]

Line 249 ⟶ 313:

* {{Librivox author |id=877}}

* {{OL author|1824433A}}

*[https://web.archive.org/web/20030603170946/http://www.law.ou.edu/hist/henry.html Text of 1775 "Liberty or death" speech]

*[http://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch8s38.html Address opposing US Constitution]

*[https://web.archive.org/web/20130429163633/http://www.familytales.org/results.php?tla=pah Patrick Henry letters]

*[httphttps://web.archive.org/web/20090116055058/https://www.virginia.org/site/description.asp?AttrID=48725 Patrick Henry Monument], Henry County, Virginia

*[http://preservationvirginia.org/visit/historic-properties/patrick-henrys-scotchtown/ Scotchtown], Henry family home from 1771–17781771 to 1778

*{{Find a Grave|472}}

'''===Archival Records'''records===

*[http://ead.lib.virginia.edu/vivaead/published/lva/vi00438.xml.frame A Guide to the Executive Papers of Governor Patrick Henry, 1784–1786] at [http://www.lva.virginia.gov/ The Library of Virginia]

{{s-start}}

{{s-off}}

{{s-bef|before=[[Edmund Pendleton]]<br>Public Safety committee President <!--Pendleton was President of the Committee of Safety which had power after the colonial governor fled. -->{{small|Acting}}}}

{{s-ttl|title=[[Governor of Virginia]]|years=1776–1779}}

{{s-aft|after=[[Thomas Jefferson]]}}

|-

{{s-bef|before=[[Benjamin Harrison V]]}}

{{s-ttl|title=[[Governor of Virginia]]|years=1784–1786}}

{{s-aft|after=[[Edmund Randolph]]}}

{{s-end}}

{{Patrick Henry}}

{{Governors of Virginia}}

{{Signers of the Continental Association}}

{{Hall of Fame for Great Americans}}

{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Henry, Patrick}}

[[Category:Patrick Henry| ]]

[[Category:1736 births]]

[[Category:1799 deaths]]

[[Category:18th-century American lawyers]]

[[Category:18th-century American politicians]]

[[Category:18th-century American planters]]

[[Category:People of Virginia in the American Revolution| ]]

[[Category:Founding Fathers of the United States]]

[[Category:American people of English descent]]

[[Category:American people of Scottish descent]]

[[Category:American slave owners]]

[[Category:Anti-Federalists]]

[[Category:Deaths from cancer in Virginia]]

[[Category:Clan Henderson|Patrick Henry]]

[[Category:Continental Congressmen from Virginia]]

[[Category:18th-century American politicians]]

[[Category:Dandridge family of Virginia]]

[[Category:Deaths from stomach cancer]]

[[Category:Delegates to the Virginia Ratifying Convention]]

[[Category:Governors of Virginia]]

[[Category:Hall of Fame for Great Americans inductees]]

[[Category:House of Burgesses members]]

[[Category:PatrickPeople Henry|from Brookneal, Virginia]]

[[Category:People from Charlotte County, Virginia]]

[[Category:People from Hanover County, Virginia]]

[[Category:People from Henry County, Virginia]]

[[Category:People from Louisa County, Virginia]]

[[Category:PeopleSigners of Virginia in the AmericanContinental RevolutionAssociation]]

[[Category:American slave owners]]

[[Category:Virginia lawyers]]

[[Category:Virginia militiamen in the American Revolution]]

[[Category:18th-centuryDeaths Americanfrom lawyersdigestive disease]]