A Dialect of Donegal/The Vowel System - Wikisource, the free online library

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A. The vowel system.

§ 1. We distinguish the following:—

Short vowels:—α, æ, ɛ, e, ï, i, ɔ, o, U, o̤, y, ⅄, ə.

Long vowels:—α꞉, ɛ꞉, e꞉, i꞉, ɔ꞉, o꞉, u꞉, y꞉, ⅄꞉, ö̤꞉

Diphthongs:—αi, αu, α꞉i, α꞉u, ɛi, ɛu, ɛə, ei, e꞉i, iə, iu, ɔi, ɔ꞉i, uə, ui, yə, əu, ə⅄.

(a) The back vowels α, α꞉, ɔ, ɔ꞉, o, o꞉, U, o̤^{[A 1]}, u꞉, ⅄, ⅄꞉, ö̤꞉.

1. α.

§ 2. The only a-sound which occurs in Donegal is the a of French ‘ma’ (Sweet mid-back-wide-outer). In this book α is written for purposes of convenience.

§ 3. This sound frequently represents O.Ir. a in accented syllables before non-palatal consonants, e.g. αrəm, ‘army’, O.Ir. arm; αt, ‘swelling’, O.Ir. att; fαnαχt ‘to stay, remain’, O.Ir. anaim; kαpəL, ‘mare’, M.Ir. capall; mαk, ‘son’, O.Ir. macc; mαLαχt, ‘curse’, O.Ir. maldacht; tαχtuw, ‘to choke’, O.Ir. tachtad; tαrt, ‘thirst’, O.Ir. tart; tαruw, ‘bull’, M.Ir. tarb.

§ 4. O.Ir. e before non-palatal consonants in accented syllables usually gives α, e.g. αχ, ‘steed’, O.Ir. ech; αlə, ‘swan’, M.Ir. ela; αŋ, ‘splice, strip’, αŋαχ, ‘fisherman’s net’, M.Ir. eng; dʹrʹαm, ‘crowd’, M.Ir. dremm; dʹαrəg, ‘red’, O.Ir. derg; fʹαr, ‘man’, O.Ir. fer; gʹαl, ‘white’, M.Ir. gel; kʹαχtər, ‘either’, O.Ir. cechtar; Lʹαnuw, ‘child’, M.Ir. lenab; Nʹαd, ‘nest’, M.Ir. net; pʹαkuw, ‘sin’, O.Ir. peccad; ʃαsuw, ‘to stand’, M.Ir. sessom; tʹαχ, ‘house’, O.Ir. tech. The fact that O.Ir. accented e and a result in the same sound leads to great confusion when they ​occur initially. Hence the final of the article is frequently palatal in cases where in O.Ir. the initial was a, not e, e.g. tα꞉ ʃɛ erʹ ə Nʹαsəl = tá sé air an asal, ‘he’s badly drunk’, M.Ir. assal; similarly one only hears ə tʹαspəl, ‘the apostle’, O.Ir. apstal, cp. easbal M^cCurtin, Grammar p. 103; ə tʹαsrïgər, ‘a back-answer, sharp retort’ < ais-fhreagar. This uncertainty as to the quality of the old initial we shall have occasion to deal with in § 452. In this connection we might mention the curious form αnəN in mər ə NʹαnəN, kũαnəN, ‘alike, level, equal’, O.Ir. inonn. We should expect *o̤nəN but compare ea for io in Co. Monaghan in ionad, tionntuigh &c. (Gaelic Journal 1896 p. 147 col. 2).

§ 5. Not infrequently α stands for O.Ir. a in accented syllables followed by a palatal consonant, for which ai is now written. This is particularly the case before intervocalic h < th, where the change seems to have occurred already in M.Ir., cp. Meyer athaigim < aithigim. aith- > ath- is also a feature of Desmond Irish, v. Chr. Bros. Aids to the Pron. of Irish p. 86. Examples: kαhũw, ‘to spend, wear, throw’, O.Ir. caithem (Craig writes cathadh); ə wα̃hə lʹɛ, ‘for the sake of’, Di. mar (ar) mhaithe le, as in ə wα̃hə lʹeihə heinʹ ə nʹi꞉s ə kαt krɔ꞉nαn, ‘it is for her own good that the cat purs’, Nʹi꞉ gə ho̤mlα꞉n ə wα̃hə lʹeʃ ə wUNtæʃtʹə αχ wα̃hə lʹeʃ ə fʹlʹeiʃu꞉r, ‘not altogether for the sake of profit but also for pleasure’; mα gə Lʹɔ꞉r, ‘alright’ = maith go leor (in every other case maith appears as mαiç); αhəNtəs, ‘acquaintance’, αhəNtə, ‘acquainted’, Di. aitheantas, aitheanta formed from en̥ʹə, O.Ir. aithgne, pret. dαhinʹ mʹə, ‘I recognised’, Di. d’aithin; αhəNtə, ‘commandments’, Di. aitheanta pl. of aithne, so O.Ir.; αhiNʹə, ‘brand’, M.Ir. aithinne; mαhũw, ‘to forgive’, O.Ir. mathem; similarly before r < rʹ in fαrəgʹə, ‘sea’, O.Ir. fairgge; fαrsiNʹ, ‘ample’, O.Ir. fairsing; mαrstʹən, infin. of mairim, ‘I remain, last’, Wi. maraim. Further before mʹ, v, e.g. αmʹʃirʹ, ‘weather’, O.Ir. aimser; tαvʃə, ‘ghost’, M.Ir. taidbsiu (note the phrase ə ŋlαkə tuw kɔpαn te꞉ (ə)niʃ? Nʹi꞉ tαvʃ(ə) e꞉, ‘will you take a cup of tea now? It would be very acceptable’).

§ 6. In the same way M.Ir. o before palatal consonant gives α in αfʹrʹəN, ‘mass’, Wi. oifrend.

§ 7. We shall find that all long vowels are apt to be shortened before intervocalic h < th. O.Ir. á appears shortened in sNαhəd, ‘needle’, O.Ir. snáthat; sNαhəd, sNαhuw, ‘to wash down, spice’, pres. sNα꞉ihəm, pret. nα꞉iç, past part. sNα꞉tʹə, Di. snathadh; αhəs, ‘joy’, M.Ir. áithes; tαhər, ‘man ist’, M.Ir. ​atáthar; Nʹi꞉ αhαr < ní fhaghthar as in the proverb Nʹi꞉ αhər sæLʹ gən çαNαχt, ‘lard is not got without buying’; mαhærʹ, ‘mother’, O.Ir. máthir; drαh ə Nαmə ʃɔ, ‘about this time’ = i dtráth an ama seo, cp. Craig, Iasg. s. dratha; Lαhirʹ in sə Nαm ə Lαhirʹ, ‘at the present time’, always occurs with α but double forms seem to have existed in the older language.

§ 8. Shortening before a consonant group takes place in Nα̃vdʹə plural of Nα̃꞉widʹ, ‘enemy’, O.Ir. acc. pl. náimtea.

§ 9. Irish throughout its history has never been very careful to distinguish ă and ŏ (cp. Wi. bass, boss) and Donegal speech forms no exception in this respect. In a number of words α commonly appears instead of ɔ, o̤. These are: αgəs, ‘and’, O.Ir. ocus; αskəL, ‘arm-pit’, M.Ir. ochsal; bαrəb, ‘rough’, M.Ir. borb; bαtæLʹtʹə, ‘wap of hay’, Di. batailte < Engl., ‘bottle’; blαgədʹ, ‘bald patch’ if < Meyer’s bloc .i. cruinn; brαhαn, ‘porridge’, Di. Macbain brochán, Meyer brothchán; brαLαχ, ‘breast’, Meyer brollach; fαLænʹ, ‘healthy’, Di. fóllain (cp. Molloy’s 13th dialect-list); fαχlə, ‘parched’, Di. fochla (with different meaning); fαruw, ‘roost’, M.Ir. forud; fαskuw, ‘shelter’, O.Ir. foscad; kαgnuw, ‘to chew’, M.Ir. cocnam; kαL, ‘hazel’, O.Ir. coll; kαskərtʹ, ‘to strike, thaw’, O.Ir. coscar; mαguw, ‘to mock’ < Engl., cp. Louth mogadh; sαp, ‘wisp’, M.Ir. sopp (note ʃïnʹ ə sαp ə row ə tʹiəsk əN, ‘das also war des Pudels Kern’); skαhuw, ‘to wean’, M.Ir. scothaim; spαrαn but also spɔrαn, ‘purse’, M.Ir. sporán; tαrəmαn, ‘noise’, Wi. Ir. T. iv 1 tormán. In other words sometimes α appears, sometimes ɔ, cp. fɔskluw, ‘to open’, fut. Nʹi꞉ αsklαχi꞉. Cp. further §§ 25, 60.

§ 10. α is also frequent in syllables having secondary stress, where it most commonly represents an O.Ir. long vowel. Thus O.Ir. á in the derivative suffix ‑án gives α, e.g. gʹαrαn, ‘horse’, lit. ‘gelding’, M.Ir. gerrán; skαhαn, ‘mirror’, M.Ir. scathán; glu꞉rəkαn, ‘numbness’, cp. tα꞉ ko̤Luw glu꞉rəkænʹ əN mə χɔʃ, ‘my foot is asleep’. As in O.Ir. there are other substantival terminations which give ‑ən in Donegal, e.g. ‑on, ‑un in mecon, in a number of words we find hesitation between ‑αn and ‑ən. Thus the form just mentioned occurs as mʹαkən and mʹαkαn (the word is used principally of ‘carrots’ but it is also applied to the roots of dock and agrimony, Lo̤s Nə mʹαkαn, ‘fungus, moss’). By the side of the regular form Lαhən, ‘wide’, O.Ir. lethan, one also hears Lʹαhαn. Similarly gʹaləwαn, gʹαləwən, ‘sparrow’, Dinneen gealbhan, M.Ir. gelbund; ruəkən, ‘cockle’ = Di. ruacán. Adjec​tives are formed from substantives ending in ‑αn by the addition of ‑tə, e.g. mαkαNtə, ‘civil, decent’, lit. ‘filial’ < O.Ir. maccán, ‘puerulus’; spαdαNtə, ‘seedy, out of sorts’, Di. spadánta; fʹiαNtə, ‘wild’ (used of people), Di. fiadhanta; α̃uwlaNtə), ‘foolishly prating’, formed from α̃uwlɔrʹ, Di. amhlóir, M.Ir. oblóir.

α similarly arises from á, in fʹiəstαlαχ, ‘rush’, Di. fiastalach (which should be spelt with ‑á‑); fʹαdαli꞉, ‘to whistle’, fʹαdαlαχ, ‘whistling’, Di. feadálach; fʹɛkʹαlαχ, ‘conspicuous, remarkable, handsome’; fαdαlαχ, ‘slow’, Di. fadálach; ɔr̥αlαχə, ‘offerings’, plur. of ɔr̥ælʹ, Di. ofráil. Further u꞉hαs, ‘prodigy’, M.Ir. uathbás; prα꞉kαs, ‘small, deformed person’, Di. prácás; rα꞉mαs, ‘idle talk’; dʹrʹəuwlαs, ‘licentiousness’, dʹrʹəuwlαsαχ, ‘licentious’, cp. Di. dreabhlas, drobhlas; o̤rLαr, ‘floor’, Di. urlár.

§ 11. In a number of cases α represents an older ó (for the same change in S. Ulster see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 1). The suffix denoting the agent ‑óir appears regularly in Donegal as ‑ɔrʹ, but when the abstract suffix ‑αχt is added α appears for ɔ—thus ti꞉dɔrʹ, ‘thatcher’, Di. tuigheadóir but ti꞉dαrαχt, ‘thatching’. Similarly spwæʃtʹαrαχt, ‘strolling about’, Di. spaisteoireacht; NʹɛəLtαrαχt, ‘idling’, cp. Engl. ‘star-gazing’, Di. néalladóireacht. Here we may also mention ʃαnəmαNti꞉, ‘preacher’, Di. seanmóntaidhe, cp. ʃαnəmɔrʹ, ‘sermon’. Just as ‑óir becomes ‑ɔrʹ, so the feminine termination ‑óg, O.Ir. ‑óc is reduced to ‑ɔg and commonly to ‑αg, especially by the younger people, e.g. fwiNʹɔg, ‑αg, ‘window’, M.Ir. fuindeóg; fwi꞉lʹαg, ‘sea-gull’, cp. O.Ir. foilenn; kyNʹαg, ‘churn-dash’, M.Ir. cuindeóg. In the plural the ɔ is perhaps more firmly rooted, e.g. mʹiəLtɔgy꞉, ‘nudges’; αsɔgy꞉, ‘weasels’; bʹαχɔgy꞉, ‘bees’. In the genitive and dative singular the vowel is generally æ, erʹ ə NyNʹægʹ, ‘on the window’; gαh bʹαχægʹə, ‘the sting of a bee’.

§ 12. O.Ir. é in the terminations ‑én, ‑él, ‑ét appears as α. A similar change seems to have taken place in all the Irish dialects, cp. Finck i p. 26; Henebry p. 29. é first gave ɛə as in accented syllables, then jα(꞉). eá < O.Ir. é is not unknown in stressed syllables, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 90 and Molloy’s 36th dialect-list, where the forms eád, eádail, eádtrom and eágcáoine are quoted. Examples: kï̃vαd, ‘to watch, look at’, also ‘to mind’ in kï̃vαd də χɔsə, ‘mind your feet’, Di. coimhéad, Wi. comét; kʹïnʹαl, ‘sort, kind’, O.Ir. cinél, cenél, Di. cinéal, similarly kʹïnʹαLtə, ‘kind’ (adj.); kïlʹαn, ‘pup’, M.Ir. culén; kɔrNʹαl, ‘corner’, Di. coirnéal; kαir̥ʹαmʹ, ‘triumph’, M.Ir. caithréim; dïvαn, ‘a scart’, ​Di. duibhéan (‘cormorant’), bʹαrαd, ‘cap’, Di. bairéad has doubtless been influenced by some word like bʹαruw, M.Ir. berrad, ‘to shave, dress the hair’. In any case the Donegal form has kept the α which we should expect from the Munster form. bearad which Dinneen gives as the Donegal form should have the length-mark. Dinneen’s sources of information for Donegal forms, J. P. Craig and J. C. Ward, unfortunately make a practice of omitting the length-mark in ‑án, ‑áil, ‑óir &c., which is most reprehensible, as their manner of spelling gives no clue to the pronunciation.

§ 13. Donegal Irish shews a distinct preference for α before χ in the termination ‑ach (O.Ir. ‑ach, ‑ech), e.g. αLαχ, ‘cattle’, O.Ir. ellach; əmα꞉rαχ, ‘to-morrow’, M.Ir. i mbárach; gʹαrαχ, gen. sing. of gʹerʹ, ‘tallow’; ïmʹαχt, ‘to depart’, M.Ir. imthecht; rαplαχαn, ‘rough and ready going fellow’, cp. rαpləhu꞉tə, ‘hubbub’, Di. rapla húta; ʃeʃrʹαχ, ‘plough’, M.Ir. sessrech; tʹαLαχ, ‘hearthstone’, M.Ir. tenlach; ũ꞉hαχə, ũ꞉kαχə, ‘caves’, plur. of ũi.

This same fondness for α before χ is further seen in accented syllables in the case of diphthongs, which contain ə as their second element, e.g. fʹiαχ, ‘crow’, O.Ir. fíach; fʹiαχə, ‘debts’, also plur. of fʹiə, ‘deer’, M.Ir. fíad; fʹiαχælʹ, ‘to try’, Wi. féchaim; kʹɛαχt, ‘plough’ (not common), O.Ir. cécht; pʹrʹɛαχtə, ‘perished with cold’, Di. préachta; uαχə. plur. of uw, ‘udder’, M.Ir. uth; uαχt(ə), ‘pledge’, Di. udhacht.

§ 14. In proclitics α represents a variety of vowels: fα, ‘about’, Di. fá (for the form v. § 314); α heinʹ, ‘himself, é fhéin; α Nʹα꞉n̥iNʹ, dia dheánfhainn; dʹα ·hi꞉nʹə, ‘Friday’, dia haoine ; α, ‘descendant’ (in proper names) α bwi꞉Lʹ, ‘O’Boyle’, the full form is ɔ꞉; mα (mə), ‘my’, O.Ir. mo.

2. α꞉.

§ 15. α꞉ represents in this book the vowel-sound in French ‘rage’ (= a꞉) which is the same sound as the short α but lengthened. It remains independent of the quality of the following consonant, as in dʹα꞉n, ‘ferry’, gen. sing. dʹα꞉nʹ; grα꞉Nə, ‘ugly’, comp. grα꞉kʹə; krα꞉nʹ, ‘sow’.

§ 16. Most frequently α꞉ arises from O.Ir. á in an accented syllable: fα꞉gælʹ, ‘to leave’, Wi. fácbaim; fα꞉s, ‘to grow’, Wi. ás; grα꞉nʹ, ‘disgust, dislike’, M.Ir. gráin; krα꞉fʹαχ, ‘religious’, M.Ir. cráibdech; Lα꞉n, ‘full’, O.Ir. lán.

§ 17. O.Ir. a in accented syllables followed by d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) preceding w < O.Ir. m, b gives α꞉, e.g. α꞉məd, ‘timber’, ​M.Ir. admat; ʃiəl α꞉w əgəs ɛəwə, ‘the descendants of Adam and Eve’, cp. Di. gen. sing. Ádhmha, in Atk. Pass. and Hom. the a has no length-mark; α꞉wər, ‘material, cause’, M.Ir. adbar; sα꞉wə, ‘woman’s name’, Mod.Ir. Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb. Similarly Nʹi꞉ α꞉Nʹʃə, ‘he does not get’, cp. Wi. fagbaim.

§ 18. O.Ir. accented e (not a, see § 70) followed by d, g + a or o gave αꬶα, αꬶə which contracted to α꞉, e.g. mʹα꞉χən, ‘weight’, Di. meadhachan, cp. Wi. med; mʹα꞉N Le꞉, ‘mid-day’, Wi. medón; ʃLʹα꞉n, ‘turf-spade’, Di. sleaghán, M.Ir. sleg. Occasionally in monosyllables ending in O.Ir. in ed, thus fʹα꞉, ‘fathom’, gα꞉ α꞉, ‘2 fathoms’, Di. feadh, O.Ir. ed (for the pronunciations fʹïg and fʹə⅄` cp. §§ 170, 429).

§ 19. O.Ir. accented a, e, followed by th + a result in α꞉ but here we sometimes find double forms, e.g. rα꞉χ ʃNʹαχtə, ‘a drift of snow’, Dinneen has ráithe, plur. ráthacha (Derry), according to J. H. the nom. sing. is masc. but the gen. rα꞉çə is fem., as is frequently the case with words not often used, nom. plur. rα꞉χəNỹ꞉ (forms containing á before th may be quoted here as according to § 7 the long vowel would be shortened); sLα꞉χ, ‘slush on the sea-shore’, also sLαhαχ Di. sláthach; bʹα꞉χ, ‘beast, horse’, Meyer bethadach, plur. bʹαhi꞉; blα꞉χ, ‘buttermilk’, M.Ir. bláthach.

§ 20. The α꞉ in dʹα꞉nuw, ‘to do’, O.Ir. dénum, is surprising and is probably to be attributed to the influence of the preterite form Nʹi꞉ hα꞉rN, where the vowel development is regular. tα꞉rNʹαχ, ‘thunder’, M.Ir. toirnech by the side of tɔ꞉rNʹæʃ, ‘a great noise’, Di. tóirnéis, is peculiar but may be due to a different grade in the root.

§ 21. α꞉ arises regularly by lengthening before certain combinations of l, r, n with another consonant^{[A 2]}. This occurs before

In tʹα(꞉)mpəL, ‘a Protestant church or chapel’ there is hesitation between α and α꞉.

3. ɔ.

§ 22. In this book ɔ is used to denote an unrounded form of the low-back-wide-round English vowel in ‘not’. This low-back ɔ is general in the English of the inhabitants of the north-west of Ireland and suggests to an English ear rather an a than an o-sound but α and ɔ are kept fairly distinct, though α, ɔ, o̤ are very close to one another in formation.

§ 23. In stressed syllables ɔ usually arises from O.Ir. o before non-palatal consonants. Unfortunately o̤ frequently occurs under the same conditions and hard and fast rules cannot be ​established. However ɔ seems to stand principally before certain sounds, o̤ before others. ɔ appears before

ɔ only occurs very exceptionally before other non-palatal sounds, e.g. bɔbwirʹαχt, ‘roguery’, formed on Engl. ‘bob’; gɔnαn, ‘canine tooth’, formed from gonaim (?); kɔpαn, ‘cup’ < Engl.; kɔpɔg, ‘dock’, Meyer coppóc.

§ 24. ɔ also occurs before palatal consonants, but chiefly when the palatal is an essential part of the root-syllable and not when it only serves as a flexional element, e.g. kɔrʹkʹə, ‘oats’, Meyer coirce; Lɔtʹαχ, ‘harmful, injurious’, M.Ir. loitim; ɔʃirʹ, ‘oyster’, Macbain oisir, Di. oisre; ɔtʹirʹ, ‘turf-bank’, Di. oitir; rɔʃuw, ‘rip up’, O’R. roiseadh; tɔtʹ, ‘smoke’, Di. toit, Atk. tutt; gɔrʹuw, ‘to heat, warm’, Di. goruw (cp. the proverb əs fʹα꞉r ə veLʹtʹ ə hαNuw Nα n ꬶrui ə ꬶɔrʹuw, ‘it is better to tighten the belt than to burn one’s cheek’). In other cases ɔ before a palatal consonant has been prevented from becoming ï, i by the rest of the paradigm, e.g. tɔlʹ, ‘will’, O.Ir. tol; skɔlʹ, ‘school’, M.Ir. scol; kɔʃə, gen. sing. of kɔs, ‘foot’, kɔʃiαχt, ‘walking’, Di. coisidheacht; krɔʃi꞉nʹ, ‘stick with curved handle’, Di. croisín < cros. But in the majority of monosyllables we find ï, i, cp. brɔk, ‘badger’, gen. sing. brikʹ and § 98.

§ 25. In § 9 we saw that a number of forms containing o in O.Ir. at the present day have α. The converse is also true and some speakers go very far in substituting ɔ for α. This is principally the case in the neighbourhood of l, L (cp. for Monaghan G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1) and J. H. has ɔ in the following:—bɔluw, ‘dumb’, M.Ir. balb; gɔlər, ‘disease’, O.Ir. galar; Lɔsuw, ‘to light, kindle’, M.Ir. lassaim, Lɔsirʹ, ‘blaze’, M.Ir. lassair; mɔlərt’, ‘exchange’, M.Ir. malairt; mɔli꞉, ‘brow, incline’, O.Ir. mala; sɔləN, ‘salt’, O.Ir. saland; bɔlkuw beside bαlkuw, ‘futuere’, Di. balcaim, Meyer balccim, cp. bo̤N bαlky꞉, ‘a collection made to pay for whiskey &c. at a gathering or dance on the first Sunday after a wedding’. From younger people one hears tɔluw, ‘land’, O.Ir. talam; hɔL, ‘over yonder’, əNɔL, ‘hither’, O.Ir. tall, anall; smɔlkuw, ‘to smoke vigorously’, Di. ​smalcadh; bɔlk beside bαlk, bɔlkəNỹ꞉ Nə Lu꞉NəsNə, ‘August rains’, Di. balc. The hesitation between α and ɔ in the O.Ir. suffix ‑óc has been mentioned in § 11 and a number of words appear with both vowels, e.g. fɔli꞉m, ‘I hide’, ə wɔlαχ, wαlαχ, ‘in hiding’, M.Ir. folach, pret. dαli꞉ ʃə, past part. fαli꞉ʃtʹə; αχruw, ɔχruw, an exclamation = ‘why, good heavens, I should just think so’, Craig writes áchrú (Iasg.); αtəruw, ɔtəruw, ‘between them’, Di. eatortha; ɔdi꞉, αdi꞉, ‘yon’ = adaí, Di. úd; Noχti꞉, ‘stripped, bare’ but tα꞉rNαχti꞉, ‘naked’, M.Ir. nocht; kɔrə·mʹiLʹə, ‘heath-pease’, Di. carra mhilis; mohuw, ‘to feel’, fut. act. mαihαχə mʹə, pres. mαihi꞉m, pres. pass. mɔtʹər. wɔkə tuw may be heard by the side of wαkə tuw, ‘did you see?’, bɔriαχt, ‘too much’ for bαriαχt, Di. bárraidheacht. One might naturally think that this ɔ was spreading into W. Ulster from Connaught, but in the light of the Monaghan forms quoted by Lloyd we may assume that ɔ for α occurs sporadically in northern dialects as well as in the west and south.

§ 26. ɔ represents M.Ir. eo in ɔχyrʹ, ‘key’, M.Ir. eochuir. This word has doubtless influenced ɔχyrʹ, ‘the roe of a fish’, M.Ir. iuchair. We expect *o̤χyrʹ. O.Ir. fliuch, ‘wet’, is sometimes pronounced fʹlʹɔχ beside fʹlʹïχ, fʹlʹəχ, fʹlʹUχ. dʹoχ, ‘drink’ < O.Ir. deug, gen. sing. dige, on the lines of tech, ‘house’, gen. sing. tige, owes its vowel to the u-temper of the final in O.Ir.

§ 27. An O.Ir. ó is reduced to ɔ in syllables with secondary stress, e.g. fi꞉dɔrʹ, ‘weaver’, Di. figheadóir; spʹαlədɔrʹ, ‘mower’; ti꞉dɔrʹ, ‘thatcher’; bʹrʹïŋlɔdʹ, ‘dream’, Meyer brinnglóid; mα꞉lɔdʹ, ‘a foolish woman’, Di. málaid; tʹrʹïblɔdʹ, ‘trouble’, Di. trioblóid, M.Ir. treblait; ʃkʹïbɔl (ʃkʹïbαl), ‘barn’, Di. scioból; sæLʹɔrʹ beside sæLʹerʹ, ‘evident’, Di. soilléir. Nʹαmɔrt, ‘neglect, carelessness’, Nʹαmɔrtαχ, ‘careless’, are peculiar. Dinneen writes neamháird. In the Derry People 2 xii ’05 p. 2 col. 5, we find neamart. A remarkable reduction of uə > ɔ before the stress occurs in Lɔχ·pʹi꞉Nʹə, ‘a pennyworth’ < Luəχ, Di. luach; krɔχ ·eirʹ, ‘hay-stack’, < cruach. With this is to be compared sLɔ꞉ ʃi꞉, ‘the fairies’, < sluagh. gɔl ·çɔ꞉lʹ, ‘to sing’ (‘to sing a song’ is ɔ꞉rαn ə rα꞉(tʹ), imperative αbwirʹ ɔ꞉rαn) < gabháil cheóil, shews loss of palatalisation in a weakly stressed syllable. The full form gɔ꞉lʹ is used to mean ‘yeast’, Di. gabháil. gɔlʹ and gɔl are used side by side for ‘going’, = ag gabháil and ag dul. Similarly tɔrt ·dŨw̥`, ‘giving to me’ < to꞉rtʹ, Di. tabhairt, imper. tɔr, tər ·dŨw̥` ‘give me’; mɔrαn, ‘many, a quantity of’, Di. ​mórán is the usual form, as the word principally comes before the stress, but mɔ꞉rαn, mo꞉rαn are the emphatic forms. Cp. § 451.

4. ɔ꞉.

§ 28. This is the same sound as the previous one, only long.

§ 29. ɔ꞉ usually represents O.Ir. o in accented syllables, e.g. bɔ꞉, ‘cow’, O.Ir. bó (but note gen. plur. Nə mo꞉); ə dɔ꞉ləuw, ‘always, still’, Di. i dtolamh (?); dɔ꞉uw, ‘to burn’, M.Ir. dóud; fɔ꞉d, ‘sod’, O.Ir. fót; gə fɔ꞉Lʹ, ‘still, yet’, M.Ir. co foill; glɔ꞉r, ‘noise, sound of talking’, M.Ir. glór; kɔ꞉rʹ, ‘proper, meet’, O.Ir. cóir from which kɔ꞉rʹuw, ‘to mend’; kɔ꞉r̥ə, ‘chest’, Di. cófra, kɔ꞉tə, ‘coat’, Di. cóta; krɔ꞉ (mwikʹə), ‘sty’, O.Ir. cró; krɔ꞉gʹαn, ‘a foot, small heap of peat set up to dry’, krɔ꞉gʹuw, ‘to foot’, Di. gruaigeadh; ɔ꞉g, ‘young’, O.Ir. óc; ɔ꞉l, ‘drink’, O.Ir. ól; ɔ꞉r, ‘gold’, O.Ir. ór; ɔ꞉kædʹ, ‘opportunity’, Di. ócáid; plɔ꞉dʹ ɔrt, ‘confound you’ suggests pláigh, ‘plague’; pɔ꞉g, ‘kiss’, O.Ir. póc; pɔ꞉kə, ‘pocket’, Di. póca; pɔ꞉suw, ‘to marry’, Di. pósadh; pɔ꞉r, ‘seed’, pɔ꞉ruw, ‘to breed’, Di. pór; rɔ꞉gəNtə, ‘roguish’; rɔ꞉pə, ‘rope’; skrɔ꞉bαn, ‘crop of birds’, Di. scrobán; skɔ꞉r̥ə in bə skɔ꞉r̥ə lʹïm ə və buiLʹtʹə, ‘it would be beneath my dignity’; skɔ꞉gʹ, ‘neck of a bottle’, Di. scóig; smɔ꞉lαχ, ‘thrush’, Di. smólach; sɔ꞉ in sɔ(꞉)çrʹetʹə, ‘credible’; sɔ(꞉)hikʹʃi꞉, ‘intelligible’ (similarly dɔ꞉ in dɔ꞉rαNə, ‘hard to deal with’); sɔ꞉kəl, ‘ease’, Keating sócamhal (cp. Derry People 30 v ’04, ionnus nach robh suaimhneas na sócal aici); stɔ꞉kαχ, ‘lad’, Di. stócach; stɔ꞉l, ‘stool’; strɔ꞉kuw, ‘to tear’, Di. strócadh; srɔ꞉fαχ, ‘sneezing’, O’R. srófurtach; trɔ꞉kirʹə, ‘mercy’, O.Ir. trócaire.

It is perhaps worth while noting that, when ɔ꞉ comes to be flanked by palatal consonants, no change occurs, e.g. kʹɔ꞉lʹ, gen. sing. of kʹɔ꞉l, ‘music, song’; dʹɔ꞉r, ‘tear, drop’, gen. sing. dʹɔ꞉rʹə.

§ 30. ɔ꞉ occurs in syllables with both chief and secondary stress as the result of o (ó) followed by dh, gh, which have become quiescent, e.g. sɔ꞉, ‘happiness’, Di. sógh, cp. the proverb Nʹi꞉ fʹjuw sɔ꞉ Nαχ wiLʹαnuw α꞉nṟɔ꞉, ‘no contentment is worth anything that will not weather adversity’; dɔ꞉riNʹαχ, ‘severe, distressing’, Keating doghraingeach but fõ꞉wər, ‘autumn’, cp. § 38; fαdɔ꞉, ‘to kindle, make into a blaze’, M.Ir. fatód. This termination ‑ɔ꞉ has been extended to several other words, ɛəlɔ꞉, ‘flee, escape’, Wi. élud; tʹɛəLtɔ꞉, ‘saunter’, Di. téaltógh; mʹαl̥ɔ꞉, ‘interruption, delay’, Di. has meathlódh s. meathladh; Lʹɛərɔ꞉, ‘glimmer of sight’ (?).

​§ 31. ɔ꞉ arises from ɔ by lengthening before R, r̥, rN, rt, rd, e.g. dɔ꞉rN, ‘fist’, Wi. dorn, but nom. plur. dïrNʹ; dɔ꞉rtuw, ‘spill’, M.Ir. dortad; ə Nɔ꞉r̥i꞉rʹ, ‘the day after to-morrow’, Di. oirthear, Wi. oirthir, airthir; ɔ꞉rd, ‘sledge-hammer’, M.Ir. ord, but nom. plur. o̤rdʹ, ïrdʹ; ɔ꞉rdαg, ‘thumb’, Wi. ordu; skɔ꞉rNαχ, ‘throat’, Di. scórnach, Macbain sgòrnan; tɔ꞉ruw, ‘funeral’, Di. tórramh, Wi. torroma; tɔ꞉r̥i꞉s, ‘number at birth’, Wi. torrchius; tɔ꞉rNʹæʃ, ‘big noise, row’, Di. tóirnéis.

§ 32. O.Ir. eu, eó give ɔ꞉ by shifting of the stress in ɔ꞉lαχ, ‘acquainted, experienced’, cp. O.Ir. eóla; ɔ꞉rNə, ‘barley’, M.Ir. eórna; gə dʹɔ꞉, ‘for ever’, cp. Wi. deod; dʹrʹɔ꞉lαn, ‘wren’, Di. dreólán; fʹjɔ꞉lʹ, ‘flesh’, O.Ir. feóil; kʹɔ꞉, ‘mist’, M.Ir. ceó; gə Lʹɔ꞉r, ‘sufficient, plenty’, Wi. leór; Lʹɔuw, ‘to heckle’, Di. leodhaim, Wi. leo; ʃɔ꞉l, ‘sail’, O.Ir. seól; tʹɔ꞉, comp. of tʹe, ‘hot’, cp. Wi. teou s. tee. dʹɔ꞉r, ‘tear, drop’ is M.Ir. dér for which see Strachan Bezz. Beitr. xx 6 n.

§ 33. Occasionally ɔ꞉ is the result of contraction, e.g. kɔ꞉χə mʹə, fut. of kɔhuw, ‘to feed’, Meyer cothaigim; kɔ꞉rʹ < comhair in Nʹi꞉ rαχət(ʹ) ʃi꞉ α χɔ꞉rʹ, ‘she would not go near him’, χɔ꞉r Nə Lu꞉NəsNə, ‘approaching August’, χɔ꞉rʹ ə hi꞉n jɛəg, ‘nearly 11’, tα꞉ ʃɛ χɔ꞉rʹ mαruw, ‘he is almost dead’ (χɔ꞉rʹ is further reduced to χɔrʹ in χɔrʹ ə və, ‘almost’); ɔ꞉n, ‘Owen’, M.Ir. Eogan, tʹi꞉rʹ ·ɔ꞉nʹ, ‘Tyrone’.

§ 34. Before the chief stress we sometimes find ɔ꞉ for uə, cp. Lɔχ ·pʹi꞉Nʹə § 27. This occurs in sLɔ꞉ ·ʃi꞉, ‘the fairies’, sluagh sidhe, plur. sLɔ꞉tʹə; rɔ꞉ ·bʹiNʹ, ‘brown hawk’, ruadh beinne, cp. Di. ruadhán alla, ‘sparrow-hawk’. ɔ꞉, ‘grandchild’, O.Ir. haue, M.Ir. óa, úa, common in the phrase tα꞉ ʃiəd klαN əs ɔ꞉, ‘they are second cousins’. In family names it is reduced to α. In this connection we may note the Anglo-Irish ‘bórach’ (bɔ꞉rαχ) where in Irish one hears bw⅄꞉rαχ, Di. buarach and cp. further § 151.

§ 35. In a few cases we find ɔ꞉ where we should naturally expect o꞉, e.g. ɔ꞉rαn, ‘song’, Meyer amrán; gɔ꞉Ltəs, ‘farm’, Di. gabháltas; gɔ꞉lə, gen. sing. of gɔ꞉lʹ, ‘yeast’, Di. gabháil but go꞉l, ‘groin’, go꞉lαχəs, ‘springing’ (of horses), go꞉m = gabhaim, v. § 40.

5. o.

§ 36. A close short o is heard in a few words in the vicinity of labials instead of ɔ. Examples꞉ brow̥, ‘blade of grass’, ​Meyer brobh, brod; boh, ‘sod-house, still-house’, O.Ir. both but bɔhɔg; bomwitʹə, ‘minute’, but more commonly with o̤, Di. móimid; mõhuw, ‘to feel’, Di. mothughadh; row̥, enclitic form for ‘was’, = raba < robói. In kõhərə, ‘sign’, Wi. comartha we have transposition of the h < th and consequent shortening.

6. o꞉.

§ 37. This is a very close long o-sound like the German vowel in ‘Sohn’ or the Anglo-Irish o in ‘home’. When nasalised it is slightly more open as is the case in French (Vietor, Elemente der Phonetik⁵ p. 158). In the use of o꞉ Monaghan seems to agree with Donegal (cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146).

§ 38. o꞉ arises from O.Ir. ó chiefly in the vicinity of nasals and labials. It is interesting to note that under these circumstances the dialect described by Henebry has u꞉, whilst Donegal ɔ꞉ corresponds to o꞉ in the Decies (Henebry p. 31). Examples: bro꞉n, ‘sorrow’, O.Ir. brón; krõ꞉, ‘nut’, M.Ir. cnó, O.Ir. cnú; Lo꞉n, ‘store, provision’, O.Ir. loun, lóon; mo꞉, ‘more’, O.Ir. moo, mó; mo꞉dʹə, ‘vow’, M.Ir. móit; mo꞉nʹ, ‘peat’, M.Ir. móin; mo꞉rtəs, ‘boasting’, *mórdatas, cp. M.Ir. mórdatu; mo꞉ʃiαm, ‘irritation’, Di. móisiam < Engl. ‘commotion’ (?); Nõ꞉s, ‘habit’, M.Ir. nós; o꞉Nʹʃαχ, ‘hussy’, Di. óinseach; rõ꞉n, ‘seal’, M.Ir. rón; sro꞉n, ‘nose’, O.Ir. srón; to꞉nʹ, ‘bottom’, M.Ir. tón. so꞉məs, ‘ease’, is peculiar, as Dinneen and O’Reilly have sámhas, Wi. sám. It should be stated that, although the distinction between ɔ꞉ and o꞉ seems to be pretty generally observed, there are surprising deviations, e.g. one may hear gə Lʹo꞉r, ‘sufficient’, for gə Lʹɔ꞉r. Why to꞉g, imper. ‘lift’, Wi. tócbaim has o꞉ I am quite unable to say. M.Ir. eo, eói also give o꞉ before a nasal, e.g. Lʹo꞉nuw, ‘to sprain’, Keating leónaim; dα lo꞉Nti꞉lʹ heinʹ, ‘of his own accord’, Di. gives leóinte as Munster and d’á leontuighil féin as the Donegal form. The forms seem to go back to M.Ir. deóin, which is preserved in Nʹα̃ujõ꞉nʹ, ‘in spite of’ (r̥eigʹ ʃə mʹə Nʹ. ə dʹα꞉rN mʹə ə wα̃ihəs dɔ꞉, ‘he left me in spite of all the good I did for him’), here M.Ir. i n‑amdeón has been transformed into neamh-dheóin. Cp. further Nʹo꞉nʹi꞉nʹ, ‘daisy’, for No꞉nʹi꞉nʹ, Di. nóinín.

§ 39. In a few cases o꞉ is the result of lengthening before n + another consonant, e.g. so꞉Ntαχ, ‘innocent, simple’, Di. sonntach; so꞉nṟuw, ‘notice’, Di. sonnrughadh, so꞉nṟiαχ, ‘remarkable’, both from O.Ir. sainreth, sainred.

​§ 40. Very frequently o꞉ arises in stressed syllables containing O.Ir. e, a or o followed by bh or e, o followed by mh. The sound represented by bh, mh was a bilabial w which coalesced with the preceding vowel, the stages being . In some cases the older stage αu has been preserved. Thus in dα̃wuən, ‘world’, an alternative pronunciation to do꞉n, O.Ir. domun, which is perhaps more general, cp. G. J. 1896 p. 146; dαuwi꞉, ‘vat’, M.Ir. dabach; dʹαuwi꞉, ‘nagging’, O.Ir. debaid. (a) Examples of o꞉ < O.Ir. om, dõ꞉nαχ, ‘Sunday’, M.Ir. domnach; do꞉nəL, ‘Donald’, M.Ir. Domnall; do꞉nʹ, ‘deep’, O.Ir. domain; ko꞉gər, ‘tool’ (?); kõ꞉lə, ‘door-valve’, M.Ir. comla; kõ꞉nĩ, ‘dwell’, M.Ir. comnaide; kõ꞉r, ‘partnership’ (ə gõ꞉r fα, ‘sharing’), Meyer comar; kõ꞉rsə, ‘neighbour’, Meyer comarsa; kõ꞉rα̃꞉, ‘converse’, M.Ir. comrád; ko꞉rLʹə, ‘advice’, O.Ir. comairle; tõ꞉s, ‘measure, guess’, O.Ir. tomus. For kõ꞉nirʹ, ‘coffin’, Meyer comra see § 442. Here we may also mention the forms rõ꞉m, rõ꞉d, rõ꞉Nʹ, rõ꞉v < romham, romhad &c. < rem‑. (b) Examples of o꞉ < O.Ir. ab, go꞉r, ‘goat’, O.Ir. gabor; go꞉l, ‘groin’, O.Ir. gabul (this word is practically forgotten in the meaning of ‘fork’, for which the English word is used. J. H. however has it but pronounces it gαuwəl), cp. tα꞉ go꞉l mαiç bwæNʹə ɛgʹ ə wɔ꞉ ʃïnʹ, ‘that cow has a good bag of milk’, vɛ꞉r̥ə mʹə kick sə ꬶo꞉l ꬶydʹ, said by boys, go꞉lαχəs, ‘springing’ (of a horse), cp. Macbain gobhlachan, ‘person sitting astride’; go꞉m, imper. go꞉, O.Ir. gabimm [in the meaning of ‘take’ glαkuw is now used. The present go꞉m is chiefly heard in go꞉m pa꞉rdu꞉n didʹ, ‘excuse me’, the imperative is used to mean ‘go’, also ‘come’ as go꞉ (ə)ʃtʹαχ, ‘come in’, go꞉ əNαL, ‘come over here’. The infin., past part. and passive forms are used in the sense of ‘arrest’, note also Nʹi꞉ veiNʹ gUtʹə lʹeʃ, ‘I would not be bothered with it’]; o꞉Nʹ, ‘river’, cp. Meyer aba, gen. sing. aband; to꞉rtʹ, ‘to give’, O.Ir. tabairt (frequently shortened to tɔrtʹ), to꞉rtʹəsαχ ʃα Nʹαr, ‘observant’, to꞉rtʹαχ, ‘liberal’, to꞉rtənəs, ‘offering, gift’, Nʹi꞉ ho꞉r̥ʹə mʹə (hu꞉r̥ʹə), ‘I shall not give’, Craig writes ní thabharfaidh but this I have not heard; Lo꞉rtʹ, ‘speak’, O.Ir. labraim; sLo꞉k, ‘viscid kind of sea-weed’, Hogan slabhacán, comes from English ‘sloke’. (c) Examples of o꞉ < O.Ir. ob, go꞉, ‘smith’, O.Ir. goba; ko꞉rʹ, ‘relief’, O.Ir. cobir; ro꞉rtə, ‘spring-tide’, O.Ir. robarti; ro꞉wə, ro꞉uw, ‘warning’, M.Ir. robad. (d) Examples of o꞉ < O.Ir. eb, fʹjo꞉s, ‘excellence’, M.Ir. febas; Lʹo꞉r, ‘book’, O.Ir. lebor, also in the asseveration formed from this word, Lʹo꞉gə, i.e., by the book’ > ‘indeed’; mʹjõ꞉rʹ, ​‘mind’, O.Ir. mebuir; ʃo꞉k, ‘hawk’, M.Ir. sebac; tʹrʹouw, ‘to plough’, pres. ind. tʹrʹo꞉jəm, M.Ir. trebaim; jo꞉ mʹə, fut. of jɛvəm, ‘I get’, Keating do-ghéabha, fut. pass. jo꞉hαr. (e) In dʹo꞉n, ‘demon’, O.Ir. demun o꞉ arises from O.Ir. em but the case is isolated, cp. ʃLʹα̃uwinʹ, ‘slippery’, M.Ir. slemon.

Two other forms containing o꞉ by contraction may be mentioned here, fõ꞉wər, ‘harvest, autumn’, O.Ir. fogamur; mʹjo꞉nʹ, ‘means’, which seems to go back to O.Ir. medón, though the latter generally appears as mʹα꞉n in mʹα꞉nĩ꞉çə, ‘midnight’, mʹα꞉NLe꞉, ‘mid-day’. This mʹjo꞉nʹ only occurs in the plural like Engl. ‘means’. Dinneen gives meodhan as a by-form of meadhón.

7. U.

§ 41. This is a sound which does not occur in many words, but there are several varieties, which makes analysis difficult. One form of the sound is certainly the high-back-wide-round vowel in standard Engl. ‘put’, only differing from it in having under-rounding. U is found most frequently in monosyllables before w̥.

§ 42. O.Ir. u in stressed monosyllables followed by b, g, th gives U, e.g. dUw̥, ‘black’, O.Ir. dub (also dŨw̥, ‘to me’, O.Ir. dom); grUw̥ (grU bwiə), ‘biestings’, Wi. gruth; gUw̥, ‘voice’, O.Ir. guth; krUw̥, ‘form, shape’, O.Ir. cruth; srUw̥, ‘stream’, srUw̥ əNuəs, ‘down-drops, rain coming through the roof’, O.Ir. sruth. In cases like tʹUw̥, ‘thick’, M.Ir. tiug (Craig Iasg. tiuth) and tʹrʹUw̥, ‘hooping-cough’, Di. triuch, the glide developed before ꬶ < O.Ir. g has ousted the original vowel.

It may be gathered from these examples that Donegal Irish shews a distinct tendency to make a short accented monosyllable ending in a vowel or w or j terminate in breath. Thus the w in the above instances is unvoiced and this is more clearly seen in əNʹUw̥, ‘to-day’, O.Ir. indiu. Cp. further deh, ‘from him’, O.Ir. de, Scotch Gaelic dheth and §§ 91, 202. When another syllable is added to these forms in w̥, we find h, e.g. krUhi꞉m, ‘I prove’, Di. cruthuighim; srUhαn, ‘a stream’ but also srUw̥αn.

§ 43. U occurs in some words where we might expect o̤ or ï, as in kUʃkʹrʹαχ, ‘reeds’, O’Don. Suppl. cuiscreach; ʃUgiNʹ < seo chugainn; bUksə, ‘box’; kUʃLʹə, ‘vein, pulse’, O.Ir. cuisle, kUʃLʹαn də hαluw, ‘a strip of land’; kUʃNʹαχ, ‘very rainy sleet’, Di. cuisne; LUhə, past part. of Louw, ‘to rot’, O.Ir. ​lobad; LUχærʹ, ‘rejoicing’, M.Ir. luthgáir but Lũ꞉hər, ‘vigorous, nimble’, M.Ir. lúthmar; Uχərtʹ, ‘to wallow’, uchairt Claidheamh Soluis 10 x ’03 p. 3 col. 5 (cp. § 335). One may also hear U for o̤ in mUk, ‘pig’; mULαχ ‘top’; gUgαn, ‘piggin’; ə dUkfʹi꞉, dá dtugfidhe; bUNtæʃtʹə, ‘advantage’; r̥Utʹi꞉, imperf. pass. of tʹrʹouw, ‘to plough’, also r̥o̤tʹi꞉, r̥ïtʹi꞉; gUtʹə past part. of go꞉m, O.Ir. gabimm (but gytʹə from gydʹ, ‘to steal’, M.Ir. gait), pres. pass. gUtʹər &c.; kUmplαsk, ‘build of a man’ < Engl. ‘complexion’; Ubwirʹ, ‘work’; fʹlʹUχ, ‘wet’ beside fʹlʹïχ, fʹlʹo̤χ.

8. u꞉.

§ 44. There are several varieties of u꞉-sounds in Donegal. The normal u꞉ I regard as a lowered variety with underrounding. The absence of well-marked lip-rounding explains how uə can pass into ⅄꞉, iə (infra § 66) and further how the same vowel can be reduced to ɔ꞉, ɔ in a syllable before the chief stress (§ 34). In the neighbourhood of palatal consonants u꞉ is often like the vowel in German ‘gut’ (high-back-narrow-round). u꞉ tends to pass off into a bilabial w which, however, does not appear before consonants.

§ 45. u꞉ commonly corresponds to O.Ir. ú, e.g. bru꞉tʹə, past part. of bruiəm, ‘I mash, press down’, M.Ir. brúim, bru꞉tʹi꞉nʹ, ‘mashed potatoes’, Di. brúightín; dʹrʹu꞉χtə, ‘dew’, M.Ir. drúcht; ku꞉l, ‘back’, O.Ir. cúl; ku꞉rəmαχ, ‘careful’, Di. cúramach; kuw, ‘hound’, O.Ir. cú; kʹlʹuw, ‘fame’ for *kluw, O.Ir. clú; Lu꞉buw, ‘to bend’, M.Ir. lupaim; Lũhər, ‘nimble’, M.Ir. lúthmar; mu꞉n, ‘urine’, M.Ir. mún; plu꞉χəm, ‘I smother’, cp. O.Ir. múchaim ; su꞉lʹ, ‘eye’, O.Ir. súil; tu꞉rtɔg, ‘hillock’, spelt túrtóg Derry People 21 xi ’03 p. 3 col. 3, Di. turtóg; tu꞉rNʹə, ‘spinning-wheel’, Di. túirne s. túrna; u꞉dəlαn, ‘swivel’, Macbain udalan < O.Ir. utmall; u꞉r, ‘fresh’, M.Ir. úr; uw, ‘udder’, O.Ir. uth. ku꞉rʹiαLtə, ‘neat’ has u꞉, cp. Claidheamh Soluis 29 viii ’03 p. 2 col. 5 cúraidhealta, against Di., O’R. cuiréalta.

u꞉ also occurs in syllables with secondary stress, e.g. gαsu꞉r, ‘little boy’, Di. gasúr seemingly by form-association with gas from garsún < Fr. garçon; go̤ru꞉n, ‘haunch’, Di. gurrún; jiərəgnuw, ‘annoyance’, Di. iarghnó; kαsu꞉r, ‘hammer’, Meyer casúr; mʹi꞉ʃtʹu꞉r̥ə, ‘unruly’; pα꞉rdu꞉n, ‘pardon’; pa꞉r̥u꞉s, ‘paradise’, O.Ir. pardus by analogy with words in u꞉s < Engl, ‘house’ as Meyer bacús, to̤Nu꞉s, ‘tannery’, perhaps also with pʹïnu꞉s, ‘penance’, Di. píonús; ʃɛ꞉ʃu꞉r, ‘season’, Di. séasúr; tα꞉Lʹu꞉r, ‘tailor’.

​§ 46. O.Ir. ua, uai are frequently contracted to u꞉, e.g. u꞉n, ‘lamb’, plur. u꞉nʹ (cp. Molloy’s 33rd dialect-list), O.Ir. úan; u꞉hαs, ‘prodigy’, M.Ir. úathbás; ũ꞉hαχə, ũ꞉kαχə, plur. of ũi, ‘cave’, O.Ir. uam; klũ꞉nʹ, ‘aftermath, meadow, allurement’, M.Ir. clúain; ku꞉nʹ, gen. sing. of ku꞉n, ‘harbour’, M.Ir. cúan; dʹα ·Lu꞉nʹ, ‘Monday’, Wi. lúan; Nuw, ‘new’, O.Ir. núe, núa; ruwɔg, ‘cobbler’s cord’, Di. ruadhóg; sNuw, ‘complexion’, Wi. snúad. bu꞉rʹuw, ‘blood mixed with matter’, cp. Meyer búar, ‘diarrhœa’.

§ 47. O.Ir. b < Idg. u̯ after r, l gives uw, e.g. gαruw, ‘rough’, O.Ir. garb; mαruw, ‘dead’, O.Ir. marb; ʃαruw, ‘bitter’, O.Ir. serb; tαruw, ‘bull’, O.Ir. tarb. Similarly a final b or m when not originally followed by a palatal vowel gave a bilabial w and was later vocalised to uw, e.g. gʹrʹĩuw, ‘deed’, O.Ir. gním; klũw, ‘plumage’, M.Ir. clúm. Where possible a, e or o preceding the b or m became ə and the resulting combination əw also gave uw, e.g. kʹlʹiuw, ‘basket, creel’, O.Ir. clíab; Lʹαnuw, ‘infant’, M.Ir. lenab; ʃLʹiuw, ‘mountain’, O.Ir. slíab. In syllables with secondary stress—αNũw, ‘seldom’, Wi. andam; α꞉rʹuw, ‘count’, O.Ir. áram; bʹrʹehuw, ‘judge’, bʹrʹehu꞉nəs, ‘judgment’, O.Ir. brithem; dʹα꞉nuw, ‘to do’, O.Ir. dénom; fwi꞉ʃuw, ‘improvement’, Di. faoiseamh, M.Ir. foessam; kαhũw, ‘to wear, throw, spend’, O.Ir. caithem; kũ꞉nuw, ‘assistance’, O.Ir. congnam; ʃïLuw, ‘syllable’, O.Ir. sillab.

§ 48. In syllables with secondary stress O.Ir. b, m gave w which coalesced with the vowel of the syllable and produced u꞉(w). In this case w is frequently heard before r, l, n, s. The adjective termination ‑mar appears as ‑u꞉r, e.g. ɛədu꞉r, ‘jealous’, Di. éadmhar; fαsku꞉r, ‘sheltered’ < *foscad-mar; dʹiənu꞉r, ‘watertight’, Di. díonmhar; g⅄꞉lu꞉r, ‘related’, Di. gaolmhar. The infinitive termination ‑(a)main, ‑(a)maint gives ‑u꞉nʹ, ‑u꞉Nʹtʹ, e.g. Lʹαnu꞉Nʹtʹ, ‘to follow’, Wi. lenmain; elʹu꞉nʹ, ‘to rear’, Wi. ailemain s. alaim; gʹαLu꞉Nʹtʹ, ‘to promise’, Di. geallamhain; kαnũ꞉Nʹtʹ, speech, language’, Di. canamhain; gyLʹu꞉Nʹtʹ, ‘to affect, trouble sorely’, Di. goilleamhain(t). Similarly Lα꞉nũ꞉nʹ, ‘couple’, M.Ir. lánamain; mαhu꞉nəs, ‘forgiveness’, Di. maitheamhnas, Wi. mathem; bʹihu꞉Ntə, ‘rascally’, Di. bitheamhanta. The adjective termination ‑(a)mail is ‑u꞉lʹ (‑əlʹ), e.g. kɔsu꞉lʹ, ‘like’, O.Ir. cosmail; dʹlʹi꞉hu꞉lʹ, ‘lawful’, Di. dlightheamhail; grα꞉nʹũ꞉lʹ, ‘loathsome, disgusting’, Di. gráineamhail. Other examples—αku꞉Nʹ, ‘strength, endurance’, M.Ir. accmaing; αnu꞉N, ‘infirm’, ​Meyer anfand; ·αnχu꞉Nʹʃə, ‘monster’ < an-chuimse (?); diLʹu꞉r, ‘foliage’, Di. duilleabhar; dʹin̥ʹu꞉r, ‘set of 10’, O.Ir. deichenbor; ko̤gu꞉s, ‘roof of the mouth, hard palate’, which is pronounced the same as the word for ‘conscience’ (O.Ir. cocubus), Di. has cogansach; mʹïru꞉Lʹtʹαχ, ‘marvellous’, Di. míorbhaileach, míorbhailteach.

It is only rarely that om, ab become u꞉ in stressed syllables. This is chiefly in the prefix kũ꞉‑, O.Ir. com‑, as in ·kũ꞉χrïNʹuw, ‘gathering’, Di. cómhchruinniughadh; kũ꞉çαŋəLʹtʹə, ‘bound together, connected’, Di. cóimhcheanglaim; kũαnəN, ‘alike, even’, Di. cóimhionann; kũ꞉jαs, ‘ambidexter’, Di. cóimhdheas. Note also fʹiurəs beside fʹiəurəs, ‘fever’, M.Ir. fiabhrus; dʹu꞉l, ‘devil’, may be heard in oaths, O.Ir. diabul; dʹiunʹəs, ‘celibacy’, arises through suppression of the vowel of the middle syllable and vocalisation of the w in dʹĩ꞉wi꞉nʹ, ‘single’, M.Ir. dímain. ũərk for α̃uwərk, ‘sight’, Meyer amarc, I have heard from a very old woman. The future Nʹi꞉ hu꞉r̥ʹə mʹə, ‘I shall not give’, beside Nʹi꞉ ho꞉r̥ʹə mʹə (§ 40) is altogether irregular.

§ 49. The infinitive terminations ‑ad, ‑ed, ‑ud all give uw, i.e. əꬶ (preserved in Scotch Gaelic, cp. ZCP. iv 510) > əw > uw. There is no difference in the ending between bw⅄꞉luw, ‘striking’, bualadh, and bʹαNuw, ‘blessing’, beannughadh, which accounts for the hopeless confusion of the two conjugations. The ending ‑ed, ‑ad in the third sing. of imperf. and condit. active and the preterite passive is also pronounced ‑uw (for exceptions see § 391), e.g. pɔ꞉suw əNïri i꞉, ‘she was married last year’, ‑uw < ‑ad also occurs in bo̤nuw, ‘people’, lit. ‘stock’, Meyer bunad; bo̤nu꞉s, ‘the greater part’, tα꞉ ə mo̤nu꞉s erʹ ə ʃkʹɛəl əwα̃꞉nʹ, ‘they almost all tell the same tale’, isé an sgéul céadna atá aca uilig bunus (Derry People 6 viii ’04 p. 3 col. 6), very common in the phrase bo̤nu꞉s ïlʹigʹ, ‘almost all’, Di. bunadhas, Meyer bunadas; ə wαru꞉s mər, ‘in comparison with’, Di. i bhfharradh; in the ordinals kʹαr̥uw, ‘fourth’, O.Ir. cethramad; ku꞉gʹuw, ‘fifth’, O.Ir. cóiced, cúiced.

§ 50. O.Ir. u followed by g (Mod.Ir. gh) in accented syllables gives u꞉ : uw, ‘top cross-beam in house’, O’Don. Suppl. uga, ‘pin of wood’ (?); u꞉muw, ‘to harness’, u꞉mʹ, ‘harness’, Di. ughmughadh, úghaim, cp. Macbain uidheam; u꞉dər, ‘author’, M.Ir. ugtar; Lu꞉NəsNə, ‘August’, M.Ir. lúgnasad; Luw, ‘less’, O.Ir. lugu; mu꞉rNαn, ‘ankle’, Macbain mugharn, Di. mudharlán; suw, ‘juice’, O.Ir. súg. Similarly we find lengthening before th followed by another consonant in du꞉χəs, ‘hereditary right’, M.Ir. duthchus.

​§ 51. u꞉ arises in stressed syllables by contraction of w arising from O.Ir. b, m with the surrounding vowels꞉ kʹũ꞉s, ‘edge, border’, M.Ir. cimas; kũ꞉glαχ, ‘strait of the sea’, Di. cumhanglach, cp. kũ꞉N, ‘narrow’, O.Ir. cumung; ku꞉gʹə mũ꞉n, ‘Munster’, M.Ir. Muman; ũ꞉(w)l, ‘supple, lithe’, O.Ir. umal, ũ꞉(w)luw, ‘obedience’, Di. umhlughadh; u꞉(w)L, ‘apple’, Wi. uball, ubull.

§ 52. gʹu꞉s, ‘fir’, ku꞉gʹ, ‘five’ and ku꞉ʃ, ‘case’, O.Ir. cóic, cóis are exceptional. The first shews shifting of the stress íu > jú, cp. M.Ir. gius, which also occurs in dʹu꞉l gy꞉hə, ‘draught’, dʹu꞉l, ‘sucking’, M.Ir. diul dat. of del, ‘teat’, and in the obscure dʹu꞉Ltuw, ‘to refuse’, O.Ir. díltud. Finck ascribes the u꞉ in ku꞉gʹ, ku꞉ʃ to the influence of the following palatal sounds (i 32) but this will not hold good for Donegal. One might compare kũ꞉- < O.Ir. com- and kũ꞉nuw < O.Ir. congnam.

§ 53. The pronunciation of ao as u꞉ which occurs in the Rosses and other parts of the north I have never heard round Glenties except in fα ·du꞉widə, ‘concerning’, = fa dtaobh de (for fα see § 314). A rounding of ⅄꞉ would give u꞉ and this is probably what has taken place. For fα ·du꞉widə cp. G. J. 1892 p. 145 col. 2 where it is spelt fadu d’é (again 1893 p. 208 col. 1). For ao = u꞉ in Scotch Gaelic see Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. It may be noted that in Anglo-Irish ‘a hornless cow’ (maoilín) is locally called a mu꞉Lʹi꞉nʹ, which seems to shew that this pronunciation of ao has been wide-spread.

9. o̤.

§ 54. We use this symbol to denote the characteristically Irish vowel-sound in the pronunciation of English words like ‘sir’. Sweet analyses it as low-in-mixed-narrow. It is a very troublesome sound to acquire and must be attempted by lowering the tongue from the mid-mixed position. o̤ frequently interchanges with ə and ï (cp. § 103).

§ 55. o̤ represents an O.Ir. o before certain consonants. These are—

​

N, e.g. bo̤N, ‘sole’, M.Ir. bond; do̤N, ‘brown’, M.Ir. donn; ko̤Nαχt, ‘Connaught’, M.Ir. Connacht; ko̤Nỹ꞉, ‘tame’, M.Ir. cendaid; ko̤NLαχ, ‘stubble’, Di. coinleach s. cúnlach; ko̤Nuw, ‘fuel’, Meyer connud; ko̤Ndαi, ‘county’; Lo̤NdUw̥, ‘blackbird’, Di. londubh, O.Ir. lon; sko̤Nsə, ‘dyke’, Di. sconnsa; to̤N, ‘wave’, O.Ir. tonn.

m, e.g. do̤mləs, ‘gall’, M.Ir. domblas; do̤məsαχ, ‘moss’, Di. domasach; ko̤m, ‘covering, waist’, Meyer comm; ko̤mwiLʹtʹ, ‘to rub’, Meyer comailt s. conmelim; kro̤m, ‘bent’, O.Ir. cromm; Lo̤m, ‘bare’, M.Ir. lomm; to̤m, ‘bush’, M.Ir. tomm; tro̤m, ‘heavy’, O.Ir. tromm, tro̤mαn, ‘dwarf-elder’, Di. tromán.

n, e.g. do̤nə, ‘unfortunate’, M.Ir. dona; ko̤nəfαχ, ‘irritable’, Meyer confadach; ko̤nəmər, ‘fragment’, Meyer con-mír; ko̤nərtʹ, ‘hounds’, Meyer conart.

b, e.g. go̤b, ‘beak’, Wi. gop; po̤bəl, ‘congregation’, Wi. popul; to̤bəN, ‘sudden’, M.Ir. opond; to̤bər, ‘well’, O.Ir. topur.

g, e.g. bo̤g, ‘soft’, O.Ir. boc; klo̤g, ‘bell’ (usually = ‘clock’), O.Ir. cloc; klo̤gəd, ‘helmet’, Meyer cloc-at; ko̤gər; ‘whisper’, Meyer cocur; ko̤guw, ‘war’, O.Ir. cocad; ko̤gu꞉s, ‘conscience’, O.Ir. cocubus; ko̤gəl, ‘tares’, Meyer cocal; mo̤gəl, ‘husk, mesh of net, eyelid’, Wi. mocol (kɔr ·mo̤gilʹ, ‘bridling on thatch’); pro̤gy꞉, ‘call to a calf, sucky’; to̤gə, ‘strap on flail’ (?).

d, e.g. bo̤d, ‘penis’, Meyer bot, bo̤dαχ, ‘churl’, Meyer botach, bo̤dαlαn, ‘gay spark’; ko̤dαχ, gen. sing. of kydʹ, ‘share’, Wi. cuit; sto̤d, ‘pouter, peevish fellow’, Di. stod; tro̤də (trïdə), gen. sing. of tridʹ, ‘fight’, M.Ir. troit.

ŋ, e.g. Lo̤ŋ, ‘ship’, M.Ir. long; spo̤ŋk, ‘tinder’, Di. sponnc, M.Ir. spongc.

From this it will be seen that o̤ only represents O.Ir. o before voiced sounds. ɔ seems to stand before l, r, s, h, p, t, k, χ, while o̤ precedes L, N, n, m, b, d, g.

§ 56. o̤ is further the regular representative of O.Ir. u in stressed syllables before non-palatal consonants and is the sound locally associated in English with the letter u, cp. Craig, Grammar² p. 6. Examples—bo̤n, ‘foot’, O.Ir. bun; fo̤rαχəs, ‘watching’, O’R. furachas, Di. fuireachas, cp. Wi. furachair, furachrus; fo̤rəst, ‘easy’, Wi. urussa; glo̤g, ‘noise of wet foot ​in shoe or of a rotten egg’, Di. glug; go̤rαχəs fα Nʹ tʹinʹi, ‘cuddling round the fire’, go̤r in tα꞉ n çαrk erʹ go̤r, ‘the hen is wanting to sit’, Macbain gur, Di. gor; go̤ru꞉n, ‘haunch’, Di. gurrún; go̤s, ‘vigour’, M.Ir. gus; ho̤g, ‘gave’, cp. tuccaim; klo̤pwidʹə, ‘crease, depression’, Meyer culpait (Di. cluipide); ko̤Lαχ, ‘boar’, O.Ir. cullach, callach, caullach; ko̤Ntəs, ‘count’, Di. cunntas; ko̤r, ‘to rain’ (‘to put’ is either ko̤r or kyrʹ), Di. cur with analogical u for older cor; Lo̤rəgə, ‘shin’, M.Ir. lurga; Lo̤s, ‘herb’, M.Ir. lus; Lo̤χt ‘people’, O.Ir. lucht; Lo̤χɔg, ‘mouse’, Wi. luch; ·ku꞉gʹ o̤luw, ‘Province of Ulster’, M.Ir. coiced Ulad; o̤Nsə, ‘ounce’; o̤χt, chiefly in oaths əs o̤χt dʹe꞉, Wi. ucht; po̤NəN, ‘sheaf’, M.Ir. punnann; po̤Ntαn, ‘spindle in lower mill-stone’, Di. puntán; po̤s, ‘lip’, Di. pus; sLo̤gəm, ‘I swallow’, M.Ir. slocim, sluccim; smo̤g, ‘snot’, Di. Macbain smug; smo̤ləgαdαn, ‘shoulder-bone’, Di. smulgadán; sto̤kαn, ‘cone on hill’, Di. stúcán; to̤r, ‘dry’ (said of eating potatoes &c. alone), Di. tur, Wi. tar, tair, to̤ruw, ‘dry weather’, M.Ir. turud; to̤rskər, ‘refuse’, Wi. turrscar; to̤rəs, ‘station’, M.Ir. turas.

§ 57. The O.Ir. prefix variously spelt ir-, er-, aur- (now written ur‑) is pronounced o̤r. The common spelling with au was probably intended to denote some sound like o̤, cp. O’Donovan, Grammar p. 17. Medieval scribes seem to have been at a loss to represent this sound. The frequent appearance of e for o̤, cp. terus = turas RC. vii 296, terad for turud Wi. p. 818, finds a parallel in the interchange of o̤ and ï in Donegal, cp. § 103. Examples: o̤rəχəsk, ‘injection’, Di. urchosc; o̤rəχɔdʹ, ‘harm’, M.Ir. erchoit, irchoit; o̤rəχər, ‘shot’, M.Ir. erchor, aurchor, irchor, urchor; o̤rLαr, ‘floor’, Wi. orlar; o̤rNỹ꞉, ‘prayer’, M.Ir. ernaigthe, airnaigthe; o̤rχəL, ‘cricket’, Di. urchuil; o̤rsə, ‘jamb’, M.Ir. irsa, ursa; o̤rLə, ‘eaves, fringe’, M.Ir. urla; o̤rNʹæʃ, ‘furniture’, Meyer airnéis; o̤rLuw, ‘speech, eloquence’, O.Ir. erlabra, aurlabra (see § 444). Note ɔ꞉rLə, ‘vomit’, Di. orlughcan, urlacan with ɔ꞉, *o̤rbəL, ‘tail’, M.Ir. erball has become ro̤bəL as elsewhere.

§ 58. In words beginning in O.Ir. with i followed by a non-palatal consonant we expect ï but o̤ invariably occurs, e.g. o̤lər, ‘eagle’, M.Ir. ilur; o̤məd, ə Nʹo̤məd, ‘a great number’ also ə Nʹo̤mətə, O.Ir. imbed; o̤mərwαi, ‘contention’, M.Ir. immarbág; o̤mərkə, ‘overplus’, M.Ir. imarcraid; o̤mlαn, ‘all, entirety’, M.Ir. imlán; o̤mpər, ‘carry’, M.Ir. immchuirim; o̤mrα꞉, ‘mention, report’, Atk. imrád s. imrádud; o̤mwi꞉, ‘many’, O.Ir. imda; o̤mwirʹαχə, ‘furrows’, M.Ir. immaire.

​§ 59. As the reduction of ö̤꞉ we get o̤ in o̤lkuw, ‘to bury’, M.Ir. adlacaim < adnacim; No̤nu꞉r, ‘set of nine’, O.Ir. nónbor (also Nïnu꞉r through association with dʹin̥ʹu꞉r); ro̤d, ‘thing’, O.Ir. rét, the depalatalisation of initial *Rʹ caused é to become ö̤꞉ (v. § 73) and when the word was used enclitically ö̤꞉ was reduced to o̤, it is the enclitic form of the word which has survived; similarly o̤rəd, ‘amount’, αχ o̤rəd, ‘at all’, O.Ir. airet, eret. Di. writes oiread, Macbain uiread but also Sc. G. urad, cp. Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition vol. iii p. 43, Finck erʹəd, erʹid, so that the depalatalisation is peculiar. Craig usually writes urad, ach urad (Derry People 30 iv ’04 p. 3 col. 4). Perhaps the r is due to association with ro̤d.

§ 60. In a few words o̤ has taken the place of other vowels. This is the case in ko̤rsαn, ‘wheezing’, Di. cársán, Macbain carrasan; kro̤puw, ‘to shrink’, Meyer crapaim but also crúpán; Lo̤g, ‘weak’, M.Ir. lac perhaps influenced by bo̤g, ‘soft’; to̤məL(t) beside tαməL(t), ‘a while’, Di. tamall; sro̤n̥uw, ‘to scatter, spread’, Di. sreathuighim, srathuighim, srathnuighim. o̤ occurs exceptionally before r < *Rʹ in o̤rdʹə, ‘height’, Wi. arde, airde, cp. Manx yrjey but in phrases we find α꞉rdʹə, as in erʹ kɔs ə Nα꞉rdʹə, ‘galloping’, Di. cos i n‑áirde; also α꞉rdʹ, ‘point of the sky’, M.Ir. aird but the comparative of α꞉rd, ‘high’ is o̤rdʹə (the inflected forms of α꞉rd follow the nominative, gen. sing. fem. α꞉rdʹə). Further o̤rdʹ, nom. plur. of ɔ꞉rd, ‘sledge-hammer’, M.Ir. ord.

10. ⅄꞉.

§ 61. This symbol is here used to denote the peculiar sound given to the digraph ao, which appears to be similar to the corresponding sound in Scotch Gaelic and on Aran, though I cannot say whether they are identical. The Donegal sound is the unrounded form of close u꞉ in German ‘gut’ and is therefore high-back-narrow. ⅄꞉ is always long except when shortening occurs before h < th, as in s⅄hər, ‘labour’, O.Ir. sáithar and in r⅄h, ‘run’, O.Ir. rith, where ⅄ is due to the depalatalisation of *Rʹ. The younger people as a general rule have not got this sound and substitute for it i꞉ and y꞉, cp. Craig’s statement (Grammar² p. 4) “ao is pronounced like ee in heel”. High-front articulation has also taken the place of high-back in some dialects of Scotch Gaelic, cp. Henderson, ZCP. iv 100. That this pronunciation of ao has been pretty general in Ulster may be gathered from notes by J. H. Lloyd in the Gaelic Journal, e.g. ​G. J. 1892 p. 204 col. 2, à propos of ⅄꞉ in Armagh he says: “In the Irish still surviving in Oirghialla (Cuailnge) and also in Tyrone, ao has a very strange sound, somewhat like oo, which appears to be intermediate between (Irish) ú and the French u, but is very distinct from both. Oidh- of oidhche and choidhche has the same sound”. Native grammarians are at a loss to describe this sound and equate ⅄꞉ with German ö in böse, which they have probably never heard, e.g. Lloyd, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1. O’Donovan’s description of the sound (Grammar p. 16) on the other hand is pretty accurate.

§ 62. ⅄꞉ represents O.Ir. óe, ói, e.g. bl⅄꞉sk, ‘shell’, Meyer blaesc (gen. sing. bl⅄꞉ʃkʹə); br⅄꞉n, ‘drop’, O.Ir. bróen; d⅄꞉l, ‘beetle’, M.Ir. dóel, dáel; d⅄꞉r, ‘dear’, O.Ir. dóir (comp. Nʹi꞉s di꞉rʹə); fr⅄꞉χ ‘heather’, O.Ir. froich but kʹαrk ri꞉, ‘grouse’; kr⅄꞉s, ‘gullet’, O.Ir. crois; k⅄꞉l, ‘narrow’, O.Ir. cóil; L⅄꞉, ‘calf’, M.Ir. lóeg (only in bɔ꞉ əN L⅄꞉, ‘cow in calf, Lo̤s Nə L⅄꞉, ‘calf-leek’); mw⅄̃꞉, ‘pliable’, O.Ir. móith, mw⅄̃꞉s in kyrʹ ə mw⅄̃꞉s, ‘to steep’, Di. maos, mw⅄̃꞉χαn, ‘to soften, steep’; s⅄꞉r, ‘free’, O.Ir. sóir, sóer; t⅄꞉wuw lʹɛ, ‘to side with’, Di. taobhughadh < O.Ir. tóib (cp. the proverb əs mwærʹigʹ ə h⅄꞉wəs lʹeʃ Nə mrα̃꞉); ⅄꞉Nti꞉m, ‘I consent’, Di. aontuighim, cp. O.Ir. óentu.

§ 63. ⅄꞉ is further the regular representative of O.Ir. ái, e.g. bw⅄꞉, ‘foolish’, O.Ir. báith, bw⅄꞉χα̃fαχ, ‘extravagant’, Di. baothchaithmheach (note the comparative Nʹi꞉s bwi꞉hi꞉), bw⅄꞉s, ‘folly’, M.Ir. báes; bw⅄꞉l, ‘danger’, O.Ir. baigul; fw⅄꞉χɔg, ‘limpet’, Wi. faechóg; gl⅄꞉, ‘call’, *gláid, O.Ir. adgládur, cp. Macbain glaodh (this is regarded as a Connaught word, skαrtʹ being used instead); g⅄꞉, ‘wind’, O.Ir. gáid; g⅄꞉l, ‘relationship’, M.Ir. gáel; g⅄꞉sαn, ‘nostril’ (wanting in dictionaries, Craig gaothsan, Sg. Fearn. p. 100); g⅄꞉wər, ‘proximity’, Di. gaobhar; k⅄꞉nαχ, ‘moss’, Meyer caennach; k⅄꞉nwαrαχ, ‘careless’, cp. O’R. cunabhaireas, ‘slothfulness’; k⅄꞉r, ‘berry’, O.Ir. cáer; k⅄꞉rαn, ‘moor’, Craig caoran, Di. caorán, ‘fragment of dry peat’ < Meyer cáer, ‘a clod’ (?); k⅄꞉rə, ‘sheep’, cp. O.Ir. cáirchuide, ‘ovinus’; k⅄꞉r̥αχə, plur. of ki꞉rʹ, ‘blaze’, M.Ir. cáer; k⅄꞉r̥əN, ‘mountain-ash’, M.Ir. cáerthann; k⅄꞉χuw, ‘to wink’, Di. caochaim, caogaim, O.Ir. cáich; L⅄꞉χ, ‘hero’, M.Ir. láech; mw⅄̃꞉l, ‘bald, hornless’, O.Ir. máel; sk⅄꞉lu꞉r, ‘frightened, timid’, Di. scaollmhar; s⅄꞉l, ‘life’, O.Ir. saigul; t⅄꞉m hiNʹiʃ, ‘sudden attack of illness’, Di. Macbain taom; t⅄꞉s, ‘dough’, O.Ir. táis (gen. sing. ti꞉ʃ); ⅄꞉stə, ‘old’ < O.Ir. áis.

​There is a curious phrase containing ⅄꞉, hui ʃə erʹ ə d⅄꞉ri꞉, ‘he went raving mad’, cp. Craig, Clann Uisnigh s. daoraidh. It suggests Meyer’s andíaraid. fα·r⅄꞉r, ‘alas’ always seems to have r in spite of Di. fáiríor, Keating fóiríor, Wi. forír. The word is probably a disguised oath formula and may contain dʹiə, ‘God’, which is countenanced by the accentuation. For the initial syllable cp. M.Ir. fae < Norse vei. Other such disguised formulas are çiəkæʃ with the initial syllable recalling α hiərNə, ‘O Lord’; gə mαrəməs tuw, ‘I warrant you’, also gə mαrəm, which may contain mαnəm, ‘my soul’, cp. çiərNə mαnəmwidʹ. The name of the deity is commonly avoided in ordinary speech, cp. tα꞉s egʹ fʹiə, ‘God knows’, v. Di. fiadha; fα꞉gəm lʹɛ dʹrʹu꞉χtə, ‘I swear’; fwi꞉ n ṟi꞉, ‘in the name of Goodness’ is very frequent and for this again fwi꞉ Nɛ꞉r, faoi an aer is commonly heard.

§ 64. In ⅄꞉ꬶirʹə, ‘shepherd, keeper’, ⅄꞉ goes back to O.Ir. au, O.Ir. augaire.

§ 65. When ao interchanges with aoi in inflexional forms the latter appears either as i꞉ (y꞉) or ⅄꞉. According to Lloyd, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2 the same two pronunciations are current in Orrery. There seems to be no fixed rule but i꞉ is much more frequent. In words which are in common use i꞉ is perhaps the rule, whilst others which only occur but seldom have ⅄꞉ in order to preserve the connexion with the nominative forms, e.g. mw⅄꞉r, ‘keeper’, mw⅄꞉r ·kyLʹuw, Book of Deer máir, gen. sing. mw⅄꞉rʹ; mwi꞉lʹi꞉nʹ, ‘hornless cow’, Di. maoilín < mw⅄꞉l but mw⅄꞉Lʹtʹαŋy꞉, ‘speaking thickly’; ⅄꞉ʃ ‘age’, O.Ir. áis appears also as y꞉ʃ, i꞉ʃ. kïky꞉ʃ, ‘fortnight’ is heard by the side of kïk⅄꞉ʃ. For further examples see § 124.

§ 66. The O.Ir. diphthong ua when preceded by a labial sound appears in many words as ⅄꞉ due to unrounding of the first element. The younger generation as usual substitute a high-front vowel iə (yə). Molloy quotes an instance of this change for Sligo in his 15th dialect-list (braoch for bruach). ⅄꞉ for uə is regular in the following words—br⅄꞉χ, ‘bank’, O.Ir. bruach, gen. sing. bri꞉; bw⅄꞉luw, ‘to beat’, M.Ir. búalad; bw⅄꞉n, ‘everlasting’, bw⅄꞉nfəs, ‘duration’, Di. buanmhas, buanfas, M.Ir. búan (abstract bwi꞉nʹə, Meyer búane); bw⅄꞉rαχ, ‘rope to put round the neck of cattle, bórach’, Meyer búarach; bw⅄꞉r̥ə, ‘troubled’, M.Ir. búadartha; bw⅄꞉rʹuəNỹ꞉ (bw⅄꞉rʹiαχə), plur. of buirʹuw, bwi꞉rʹuw, ‘trouble’, M.Ir. búadred; bw⅄꞉χiLʹ, ‘servant-man, lad’, M.Ir. búachaill; fw⅄꞉χəm, (fwi꞉χəm), ‘hole in potato’, ​Di. has fuachais, ‘hole, den’; exceptionally in kl⅄꞉nꬶɔrt, ‘a place-name near Gweebarra’ if < Cluanghort; sp⅄꞉kαχə, plur. of spuikʹ, spyeikʹ, ‘blister’, Di. Macbain spuaic; w⅄꞉m, ‘from me’, O.Ir. uaim (with m instead of mʹ by analogy with orm &c.), wuə, w⅄ə, wiə, ‘from him’, O.Ir. uad.

§ 67. In a few words beginning with fua- the uə is frequently retained when the f is not aspirated. Examples—fuəgruw, ‘to declare, announce’, M.Ir. fócaraim, fúacraim, pret. dyəgər sə, d⅄əgirʹ mʹə, imperf. pass. d⅄əgri꞉sti꞉; fuəruw, ‘to cool’, pret. d⅄꞉ri꞉ ʃə, ərʹ ⅄꞉ri꞉ ʃə?. The word for ‘cold’ itself is (fuər) fwyər, fwi꞉r, compar. fwi꞉rʹə, fu꞉rʹə, abstract fwiəχt; M.Ir. fúath, ‘hatred’, I have generally heard as fwyə. For a somewhat similar treatment of O.Ir. úa in Manx see Rhys pp. 14, 20. However when O.Ir. úa is preceded by other than labial sounds, it remains, e.g. χuəli꞉, ‘heard’, O.Ir. cúala; Luə, ‘early’, M.Ir. lúath.

⅄꞉ occurs exceptionally by contraction in bw⅄꞉gαn, ‘yolk’, Di. buidheacán. smw⅄꞉lαχ, ‘cinders’ is surprising, as it corresponds to Di. smál, smól, Macbain smál. ⅄꞉Ntαχ, ‘wonderful’, M.Ir. ingnáthach is due to contraction. For the form see § 303 and for the ⅄꞉ cp. Molloy’s 15th dialect-list.

§ 68. ⅄꞉ sometimes interchanges with ö̤꞉ particularly before n, e.g. rö̤꞉lαχə, r⅄꞉lαχə, cp. § 72. ⅄꞉Ltrənəs, ‘adultery’, cp. Meyer adaltair, adaltrach should have ö̤꞉ but I have only heard the form with ⅄꞉. Similarly ⅄꞉nαn, ‘Adamnan’.

11. ö̤꞉.

§ 69. In Donegal there is a further unrounded back sound which seems to have no parallel in Scotland or Connaught. We described ⅄꞉ as an unrounded close u꞉. If we unround the u꞉ described in § 44 which occurs in words like u꞉r, Luəχ, we obtain a peculiar sound which we here denote by ö̤꞉. ö̤꞉ would therefore be high-back-lowered. In a number of words ⅄꞉ and ö̤꞉ seem to be interchangeable but that they are two absolutely distinct sounds is shewn by the fact that for ⅄꞉ the younger people substitute y꞉, i꞉, whilst for ö̤ one hears ɛə, eə, e꞉. Craig again following the younger generation says: “adha, agha are pronounced like ay in day”, i.e. e꞉, Grammar² p. 14. This ö̤꞉ always seems to me to be a kind of vocalised ꬶ, which is accounted for by its origin and there is nearly always a suspicion of friction in the production of the vowel. It also appears to exist in the Monaghan dialect ​described by Lloyd (G. J. 1896 p. 146), who states that “adh, agh appear to have three sounds, viz. that of eu in French, ö in German, or that commonly given to ae”. Lloyd evidently did not know the French and German sounds he mentions but one of his three sounds is doubtless my ö̤. The last mentioned pronunciation is that of the younger people in Donegal, for a description of which see § 95. O’Donovan in his Grammar p. 9 makes ö̤꞉ and ⅄꞉ identical in North Ulster, whilst for South Ulster and Meath he gives the pronunciation of ö̤꞉ as ɛə. It may be noted that both ⅄꞉ and ö̤꞉ have the same sound in some dialects of Scotch Gaelic though in this case it is a low-front and not a high-back sound (ZCP. iv 99).

§ 70. ö̤꞉ arises chiefly from O.Ir. accented a preceding d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh), except when w follows (§ 17). A following vowel is absorbed. This only occurs in stressed syllables. Elsewhere final ‑ad might be expected to give ö̤꞉ but it was rounded to ‑uw. Examples—gö̤꞉r, ‘hound’, M.Ir. gadar; klö̤irʹə (kləirʹə, kleirʹə) has not a bad meaning in Donegal but is used like Engl. ‘my fine fellow’, Meyer cladaire; Lö̤꞉duw, ‘to lessen’, Di. laghdughadh, cp. Atk. lagatus; Lö̤꞉χ, ‘handsome’, Di. lághach, the younger generation has Lɛəχ, compar. Lö̤iə; Lö̤꞉r; ‘toe’, M.Ir. ladar, gen. sing. Lö̤꞉rʹə; mö̤꞉r, ‘sprat’, Di. maghar, Macbain maghar, Cormac magar^{[A 3]}; ö̤꞉rk, ‘horn’, O.Ir. adarc (younger generation eərk), gen. sing. eirʹkʹə, dat. sing. eirʹkʹ; slö̤꞉dαn, ‘a cold’, O’R. slaighdeán, Di. slaodán (also sLαidαn, sLe꞉dαn); sö̤꞉, ‘tang of a pitch-fork &c.’, O’R. sadh, ‘a long knife or dagger’, Macbain saidh, ‘a handle or the part of a blade in the handle’, Di. has only sámhthach, ‘helve’; sö̤꞉d, ‘a flint’, i.e. *saghad < Di. saighead, Wi. saiget (note the interesting change of meaning, mʹɛ꞉rαg is the term now applied to the flints shot by the fairies at cattle); tö̤꞉g, ‘Thady’, M.Ir. Tadg; rö̤꞉rk, ‘sight’, Wi. radarc, rodarc.

ö̤꞉ also occurs in sö̤꞉rkαn, ‘primrose’, Wi. sobarche (Craig writes samharcan but wrongly as the vowel is not nasalised); ö̤꞉Ntəs, ‘wonder’, ö̤꞉Ntαχ, ‘wonderful’, M.Ir. ingnáthach, see § 303.

​§ 71. The forms of the verb ‘to choose’ have ö̤꞉, though we should expect an o-sound. Writers of Ulster Irish print raogha, rae (Craig, Lloyd, G. J. vi 146, Di. ré) which represent the pronunciation of the younger people. It would seem that a took the place of o in these forms, i.e. that M.Ir. togaim became tagaim whence tö̤꞉m, ‘I choose’, pret. hö̤꞉ mʹə, infin. tö̤uw. Similarly rö̤꞉, ‘choice’, O.Ir. rogu, from which is formed rö̤꞉nαhαs, ‘choice’; tö̤꞉nə, ‘select, recherché’. The past part. of tö̤uw is tïtʹə.

§ 72. ö̤꞉ takes the place of ⅄꞉ before a following n in several words, thus ö̤꞉n beside ⅄꞉n, ‘one’, O.Ir. óin (also i꞉n); ɛrö̤꞉n, ‘together’, Di. araon; klö̤꞉n, ‘inclination’, klö̤꞉nuw, ‘to incline’, O.Ir. clóin; trö̤꞉nə, ‘corn-crake’, also trɛənə, Di. Macbain traona; krö̤꞉rək, krö̤꞉r, ‘light-red’, Di. craorac < caor-dhearg. One may also hear kö̤꞉rə, ‘sheep’; kö̤꞉rαn, ‘moor’; sö̤꞉l, ‘life’.

§ 73. The depalatalisation of initial *Rʹ may completely change the character of the following vowel. Under these circumstances O.Ir. ía (i.e. iə) becomes ö̤꞉. Lloyd gives two instances of this change for Monaghan, G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1. Examples—rö̤꞉l, ‘rule’, O.Ir. ríagul; rö̤꞉ruw (r⅄꞉ruw), ‘to look after’ (erʹ), Di. ríarughadh, sɔrö̤꞉r̥ə, ‘easily satisfied’, Di. soiriartha from rö̤꞉r, O.Ir. ríar, whence also ərʹeirʹ, ‘according to’, do réir but note tα꞉ ʃïnʹ glαky꞉ ərʹö̤꞉r Nə bʹlʹiəNə, ‘that is taken by the year’; rö̤꞉skən (rɛəskən), ‘a rough, untilled piece of ground’, Di. riasc, whence ku꞉lṟö̤꞉skαχ, ‘backward, out of the world’, also rö̤꞉skαNtə, ‘wild, rough’; rö̤꞉χtənəs, ‘need’, M.Ir. riachtanus (also r⅄꞉χtənəs); rö̤꞉wαχ, ‘brindled’, M.Ir. riabach, Lɛhə Nə rö̤꞉wi꞉, ‘borrowing-days’, see Dinneen s. mí.

§ 74. This is the symbol for the low-front-wide vowel in English ‘man’, ‘cat’. It usually appears taking the place of α before all consonants with palatal (palatalised) articulation except the labials, i.e. before Lʹ, lʹ, Nʹ, nʹ, rʹ, ɲ, tʹ, dʹ, kʹ, gʹ, ʃ. In place of æ a vowel intermediate between this sound and α is sometimes heard.

​§ 75. æ corresponds to O.Ir. a in accented syllables standing before any palatal consonant except a labial, e.g. ægʹəNtαχ, ‘jolly, merry’, cp. O.Ir. aicned (proverb nʹi꞉ dʹɔχ wα̃iç dinʹə ægʹəNtαχ); æLʹʃə, ‘cancer’, M.Ir. allse; æɲəl, ‘angel’, O.Ir. angel; æɲkʹαl, ‘irritability’, M.Ir. ancél; ærʹə, ‘care’, O.Ir. aire, ærʹiαχ, ‘caretaker, shepherd’, Di. airigheach; ærʹi꞉ in bwærʹi꞉ erʹ ə, ‘he was worthy of it’, Macbain airidh < O.Ir. aire (the Donegal use of the word seems rather to suggest M.Ir. airigid); ær̥ʹi꞉, ‘regret, penance’, O.Ir. aithirge, ær̥ʹαχəs, ‘repentance, compunction’, M.Ir. aithrechus; æʃək, ‘to restore’, M.Ir. aissec; ætʹənαχ, ‘furze’, M.Ir. aittenn; gælʹə, ‘stomach, appetite’, M.Ir. gaile; hærʹ, ‘over, across’, O.Ir. tar; kæNʹtʹ, ‘talk’, Meyer caint; mwædʹə, ‘stick’, M.Ir. maite; mwædʹïnʹ, ‘morning’, O.Ir. matin (acc.); mwælʹkʹ, ‘soreness from riding bare-back’ (?); præʃtʹαl, ‘two handfuls of potatoes for roasting’, Di. pruistéal, praisteal; pwædʹirʹ, ‘prayer’, M.Ir. pater; sæLʹ, ‘fat, grease’, M.Ir. saill; skædʹ, ‘23rd grain given to the miller’ (now usually called mu꞉tər), Di. scaid (with different meaning); skærʹəv, ‘sandy shore of a river’, Di. scairbh; sLædʹ, ‘robbery’, M.Ir. slat; stærʹ, ‘history’, Di. stair; tærʹəvirʹ, imper. ‘hand over, deliver’, M.Ir. tairbrim; tæʃ, ‘damp’, tæʃLʹαχ, ‘wet weather’, M.Ir. tais. α frequently becomes æ in sandhi, cp. §§ 453 ff., as in gʹαl, ‘white’ but kɔ gʹæLʹ Lʹeʃ, ‘as white as it’; LʹαNαn, ‘paramour’ but LʹαNæNʹ ʃi꞉, ‘a fairy lover’.

In some forms æ often becomes ɛ or even e. Thus one hears bwælʹə beside bwɛlʹə and bwelʹə. For further examples see §§ 83, 89. When rʹ and ʃ become r, s respectively a preceding æ changes to α, e.g. erʹ æʃ or eʃ, ‘back, returned’, but αsrïgər, ‘a back answer, sharp reply’< æʃ + fʹrʹïgər; mwærʹəm (mwerʹəm), infin. mαrstʹən. In the preterite however we frequently find wɛr sə.

§ 76. O.Ir. accented o often gives æ under the same circumstances as O.Ir. a in the last paragraph, e.g. dælʹi꞉, ‘difficult’, M.Ir. dolig; gæʃtʹə, ‘trap, snare’, O.Ir. goiste; kæʃkʹəmʹ, ‘step’, Meyer cosscéimm; klægʹəN, ‘skull’, M.Ir. cloccenn; krækʹəN, ‘skin’, O.Ir. crocenn; ə hærʹəvə, ‘on account of’, O.Ir. *de thorbe; mwærʹigʹ, ‘woe’, O.Ir. moircc.

§ 77. In syllables with secondary stress æ stands for an O.Ir. long vowel (á, ó) before the palatal consonants mentioned in § 74. Thus æ represents an older á in the infinitive termination ‑ælʹ or with excrescent tʹ ‑æLʹtʹ, e.g. fα꞉gælʹ, ‘leaving’, O.Ir. fácbáil; kʹrʹedʹvæLʹtʹ, ‘to believe’, Di. creidmheáilt, this ​word seems to have influenced the word for ‘to confess’, ædʹvæLʹtʹ, pres. ind. ædʹi꞉m (Spir. Rose p. 6 aidvimuid); bαkælʹ, ‘hindering’, Meyer bacáil; kα꞉rdælʹ, ‘to card’, Di. cárdáil; sα꞉wælʹ, ‘to save’, sα꞉wæLʹtʹαχ, ‘of a saving disposition’. Similarly in ɛədælʹ, ‘benefit, boon’, M.Ir. étail; dʹəwælʹ, ‘want, need’, O.Ir. dígbail; ri꞉ʃæLʹtʹə, ‘wizened’ (?). Also in the plural of substantives ending in ‑αn, O.Ir. ‑án, skα̃uwænʹ, ‘lungs’, M.Ir. scaman. Other instances—fʹiænʹ, ‘wild’, formed from M.Ir. fíad; kαhærʹ, ‘city’, O.Ir. cathir (the terms for ‘city’ and ‘chair’ have been confused); ɔ꞉kædʹ, ‘opportunity’, Di. ócáid; pαræʃtʹə, ‘parish’, Di. parráiste, parróiste; u꞉sædʹ, ‘use’, Di. úsáid. For ætʹ < α꞉tʹ in ə Nætʹ i꞉nʹαχ see § 451.

§ 78. O.Ir. ó gives æ under the same circumstances as O.Ir. á in the preceding paragraph, e.g. kɔrænʹ, ‘crown’, M.Ir. coróin, gen. sing. kɔrαnə; o꞉mwædʹαχ, ‘meek’, Di. ómóideach; u꞉məlædʹ, Di. umhlóid, O.Ir. umaldóit (the word is used in the sense of ‘capacity of vessels’, as tα꞉ u꞉məlædʹ wo꞉r ɛgʹ əN tαihαχ ʃïnʹ, ‘that vessel holds a good deal’, J. H. says it is a Rosses word, ũ꞉wluw is used for ‘obedience’); kau(w)lædʹ, ‘noisy talk’, Di. collóid, callóid (§ 143).

§ 79. In a few instances æ is the result of the reduction of O.Ir. é before palatal consonants, e.g. α꞉rNʹæʃ (α꞉rNʹeʃ), ‘stock’, also used humourously of ‘lice’, Meyer áirnéis; hïnəfʹænʹ, hαnəfʹænʹ, ‘already’ < O.Ir. cena + féin; plα꞉n̥ʹædʹ, ‘planet, weather’, Di. plainéid; strα꞉mʹædʹ, ‘stroke with a stick’, Di. straiméad, stramáid. It is noteworthy that the terminations ‑éir, ‑óir give ‑ærʹ in Orrery and Meath (G. J. 1896 p. 147).

§ 80. Before rʹ we sometimes find æ, where we do not expect it, i.e. there has been a confusion of the endings ‑air, ‑áir, e.g. in αhærʹ, ‘father’, O.Ir. athair; mαhærʹ, ‘mother’, O.Ir. máthir; dʹα꞉r̥ærʹ, ‘brother’, O.Ir. derbráthir; Lαhærʹ, ‘presence’, M.Ir. lathair. It should however be stated that this is not the only pronunciation, as one also hears ‑irʹ, srαhærʹ, srαhirʹ, gen. sing. of srαhər, ‘straddle’. ‑irʹ is the general ending in the oblique cases of substantives in ‑ər; cp. mʹαdirʹ, plur. of mʹαdər, ‘a small wooden vessel’, Di. meadar.

The word for ‘jaundice’ is bwiəχinʹ against Dinneen’s buidheacháin.

2. ɛ.

§ 81. This symbol denotes the Northern English e-sound in such words as ‘men’, ‘get’ (Sweet low-front-narrow). This ɛ ​may arise from various sources and interchanges with e. Individual speakers differ very considerably in the employment of the e-sounds and hard and fast rules cannot be established. Indeed it is characteristic of Donegal Irish that most of the short vowels can vary within considerable limits, the on- and off-glides of the neighbouring consonants being so to speak of greater importance for the listener than exactness of vowel timbre. Finck makes no attempt to distinguish between the various e-sounds but it seems to me advisable to attempt to differentiate the Donegal varieties.

§ 82. ɛ often represents O.Ir. accented e before a consonant with palatal temper, e.g. fʹɛkʹαl, ‘to see’, Wi. féccim; jɛv ʃə, ‘he gets’, Wi. ni fogeib s. fo-gabim; Lʹɛfʹtʹαn, ‘flat-foot’, Di. leiftean; Lʹɛkʹə, gen. sing. of Lʹαk, ‘flag’, M.Ir. lec; mʹɛLʹɔg, ‘curb, wattle of a cock’, according to Macbain < O.Ir. bél; mʹɛhəl, ‘party of labourers’, M.Ir. methel (but gen. sing. mʹel̥ʹə); ʃɛvtʹuw, ‘to shift’ < Engl. kʹɛrdʹ, ‘trade, profession’, O.Ir. ceird (acc.) shews retention of ɛ before r < rʹ (note dʹαnuw kʹɛrdʹə, ‘futuere’).

Not infrequently an older é (now written éi) is shortened to ɛ, thus before h < th in Lʹɛhαrαχt, ‘reading’, Di. léightheoireacht; in a syllable with medium stress, α çɛlʹə, ‘each other’, O.Ir. céle, Manx chelley, the form with unreduced vowel çeilʹə occurs in poems, cp. p. 194 l. 37. ɛdirʹ, ‘between’, O.Ir. eter, etir seems due to confusion with αdər- in αdərꬶiə, ‘intercession’, Wi. etar‑.

§ 83. Owing to palatalisation O.Ir. accented a, o followed by a palatal consonant sometimes give ɛ, e.g. ɛgʹ, ɛgʹə, ɛkʹi, O.Ir. oc, oca, aci; ɛvNʹαχə, plur. of o꞉Nʹ, ‘river’, M.Ir. abann, plur. aibne; gɛnʹə̃v, ‘sand’, M.Ir. gainim (dat.); gɛnʹαn, ‘gannet’ (?). seivirʹ, ‘rich’, M.Ir. saidbir commonly has ei but sɛvirʹ is also heard, which is probably due to the comparative Nʹi꞉s sɛvrʹə and the substantive sɛvrʹəs, ‘riches’, where the shortening is regular before a group of consonants. Here we may mention Lɛhə, plur. of Lα꞉, ‘day’, O.Ir. lathi, lathe.

§ 84. In a few instances we find ɛ where we least expect it, corresponding to an older e before a non-palatal consonant, e.g. bʹɛri꞉, plur. of bʹαrαχ, ‘heifer’, Di. bearach; kʹɛdi꞉nʹə, ‘Wednesday’, with ɛ for ï, cp. § 105; Lʹɛhαχ, ‘sea-weed used as manure’, Di. leathach, kɔrαn Lʹehi꞉, ‘a hook for cutting sea-weed’; Lʹɛmɔg, ‘nip’, Di. líomóg. dʹɛrəmwidʹ, M.Ir. Diarmait, is peculiar.

§ 85. In syllables with secondary stress ɛ occurs in α꞉vɛʃ, ‘ocean’, Di. aibhéis, instead of æ in α꞉rNʹɛʃ (§ 79). ​

3. ɛ꞉.

§ 86. ɛ꞉ is the long vowel corresponding to ɛ which occurs in Engl. ‘air’, ‘care’, ɛ꞉ is principally found side by side with the diphthong ɛə which has developed out of it, and goes back to O.Ir. é by compensatory lengthening, when standing before a non-palatal consonant. Thus ɛ꞉ occurs regularly before r, e.g. bʹɛ꞉rLə, ‘English’, O.Ir. bélre; bʹɛ꞉r̥i꞉, vɛ꞉r̥i꞉, futures to bʹerʹəm, verʹəm; gʹɛ꞉r, ‘sharp’, O.Ir. gér, compar. Nʹi꞉s gʹeirʹə; mʹɛ꞉r; ‘finger’, O.Ir. mér; smʹɛ꞉r, ‘blackberry’, M.Ir. smér. Similarly before r < rʹ preceding ʃ in kʹɛ꞉rsαχ, ‘hen black-bird’, Di. céirseach, Meyer céirsech. Also in ɛ꞉r, ‘air’, O.Ir. áer. In some words ɛ꞉ seems to be preferred to ɛə as in ʃɛ꞉məs, ‘James’; ʃɛ꞉su꞉r, ‘season’ and this is particularly the case in words of more than two syllables, e.g. ɛ꞉dɔχəs, ‘despair’, Di. éadóchas, ɛ꞉dɔχəsαχ, ‘despairing’.

ɛ꞉ also occurs by the side of ei before mʹ. This is J. H.’s pronunciation but the younger people prefer ei, e.g. Lʹɛ꞉mʹnʹi꞉, ‘leaping’, O.Ir. léimm; fʹɛ꞉mʹ, ‘use’, fʹɛ꞉mʹu꞉lʹ, ‘useful’, M.Ir. feidm. Parallel forms also exist in the present of the verb ‘to go’, tʹɛ꞉m, ‘I go’, hɛ꞉ mwidʹ or hei mwidʹ, ‘we go’ (also hɛəN, tʹɛəN mwidʹ). The imperative is tʹɛ꞉ or tʹei. These forms are all based on O.Ir. téit which appears as heidʹ. rɛ꞉wɔg, ‘hen-lark, laverock’, is peculiar, as it is doubtless connected with riabhach. Di. has riabhóg, also réabhóg. One might expect rɛ꞉wɔg from the younger people (§ 73) but J. H. should have ö̤꞉.

4. e.

§ 87. By this symbol we denote a close e similar to French é in été. The sound varies between mid-front-wide and mid-front-narrow and occurs before the following palatal consonants—Lʹ, lʹ, Nʹ, nʹ, rʹ, tʹ, dʹ, ç, ʃ.

§ 88. e is the regular representative of O.Ir. accented e before a consonant with palatal temper, e.g. dʹerʹ, ‘says’, O.Ir. atbeir (but dʹɛr sə, ‘he says’); dʹerʹuw, ‘end’, O.Ir. dered; dʹeʃαlαn, ‘crown of the head’, M.Ir. dessel; etʹαg, ‘wing’, O.Ir. ette; etʹirʹə, ‘furrow’, M.Ir. etre; gʹerʹ, ‘tallow’, M.Ir. geir; kʹerʹi꞉nʹ, ‘plaster’, Meyer céirín; ʃelʹəv, ‘possession’, M.Ir. selb; ʃelʹigʹ, ‘hunt, chase’, O.Ir. selg; ʃeʃər, ‘six persons’, O.Ir. seser. Before fʹ, v both ɛ and e may stand, e.g. dʹefʹrʹə, ‘haste’, M.Ir. dethbire; dʹẽvəs, ‘shears’, M.Ir. demess; gʹevrʹuw, ‘winter’, M.Ir. gemred. dʹeç, ‘ten’, O.Ir. deich, when followed by a substantive becomes dʹɛ. e occurs before h in Lʹehədʹ, ‘like’, M.Ir. lethet.

​e occurs in syllables with secondary stress only in sɔLʹer (sæLʹerʹ), ‘evident, plain’, Di. soilléir. In a few cases e꞉, ei are shortened to e before h < th, e.g. tʹrʹehαχ, ‘excellent’, Di. tréitheach; kʹlʹehαχə, plur. of kʹlʹiə, ‘hurdle’, M.Ir. clíath.

§ 89. In a number of cases e arises from a palatalisation of O.Ir. a, o before a palatal consonant. This change seems to be general, cp. Henebry p. 45; Finck i 17; Dottin, RC, xiv 114 and for S. Ulster G. J. 1896 p. 146. In Donegal it is commonest before nʹ and rʹ, cp. Craig, Grammar² p. 4. Examples—bwer̥ʹi꞉nʹ, ‘spancel’ < bó-árach + ín; dreçəd, ‘bridge’, O.Ir. drochet; ebʹrʹαn, ‘April’, Meyer apréil (ZCP. i 358); edʹə, ‘instructor’, edʹəs, ‘instruction’, M.Ir. aite; elʹαn, ‘island’, M.Ir. ailén; elʹə, ‘other’, O.Ir. aile; enʹəmʹ, ‘name’, O.Ir. ainm; enʹəvïsαχ, ‘ignorant’, M.Ir. anfiss; enʹəvi꞉, ‘animal’, M.Ir. anmide; en̥ʹi꞉m, ‘I recognise’, Meyer aithgninim (Craig, Grammar² p. 156 gives the pronunciation as ennh‑, i.e. eN̥ʹ‑, cp. § 249); erʹ, ‘upon’, cp. O.Ir. aire, fair (it may be noted that all consciousness of the old form ar has been lost, as when followed by s or ʃ erʹ becomes ɛr); erʹαχtəs, ‘sojourn’, Meyer airrecht; evlʹαg, ‘live coal’, M.Ir. óibell; werʹ, pret. of mwerʹəm, mwærʹəm, O.Ir. ro mair; henʹikʹ, ‘came’, < tainic with aspiration by analogy; Nerʹ, ‘when’ < in úair; selʹɔg, ‘willow’, M.Ir. sail; gə serʹəvi꞉ n ṟi꞉ huw, ‘may God prosper you’, M.Ir. soirb; ʃerʹ, ‘eastwards’, O.Ir. sair (ʃ by analogy with ʃïər, cp. Rhys p. 53).

§ 90. This e not infrequently interchanges with i, ï, e.g. dʹeʃ, dʹiʃ < dʹeʃə, Di. deis, ‘neatness, order’; elʹə, ïlʹə, ‘wall of peat-stack’, M.Ir. aile (Meyer, O’Don. Suppl.) perhaps = Di. fail; in parts of elʹu꞉nʹ, ‘to rear’, pret. dilʹ mʹə, Wi. ailemain; kʹrʹetʹə, kʹrʹitʹə past part. of kʹrʹedʹəm, ‘I believe’; krev, krïv, ‘paw’, M.Ir. crob; Lʹeʃkʹɛəl, Lʹiʃkʹɛəl, ‘excuse’, Di. leithscéal; Lʹevrʹi꞉nʹ, Lʹivrʹi꞉nʹ, ‘a foolish person’; kɔrə mʹeLʹə, mʹiLʹə, ‘heath pease’, Di. carra mhilis. Similarly we find e, ɛ alternating in Lʹɛhαχ, ‘sea-weed’, gen. sing. Lʹehi꞉. Further e, ei before ç, Lʹeç, Lʹeiç, ‘half’, also ‘a fluke’, Di. leith, gen. sing. Lʹehə.

§ 91. e occurs as the final of a few monosyllables, e.g. de`, ‘from him’, O.Ir. de; tʹe`, ‘hot’, M.Ir. te; bʹrʹe`, ‘to bring forth’, M.Ir. breith. But these and similar words tend to end in breath, cp. § 42.

5. e꞉.

§ 92. A very close long e as in German ‘see’ is a frequent ​sound arising from various sources. When nasalised it is more open than otherwise.

§ 93. e꞉ corresponds to O.Ir. é as the final of monosyllables, e.g. dʹe꞉, gen. sing. of dʹiə, ‘God’, O.Ir. dé; gʹrʹe꞉, ‘good appearance’, O.Ir. gné; əNʹe꞉, ‘yesterday’, O.Ir. indé. Also frequently in the prefix dʹe꞉, O.Ir. deg, ‘good’, e.g. dʹe꞉lo꞉r̥αχ, ‘eloquent’; dʹe꞉jrʹĩ꞉wəri꞉, ‘good deeds’; dʹe꞉smwi꞉tʹi꞉, ‘good thoughts’; dʹe꞉vrʹiər̥αχ, ‘sweet spoken’; dʹe꞉woluw, ‘sweet smell’. dʹɛ꞉ is sometimes heard in these forms beside dʹe꞉.

§ 94. e꞉ occasionally represents O.Ir. accented é before a consonant, e.g. fʹrʹe꞉wαχə, plur. of fʹrʹeiv, ‘root’, we expect fʹrʹɛ꞉wαχə but the e꞉ is due to the influence of the vowel of the singular; gʹe꞉, ‘goose’, M.Ir. géd but plur. gʹɛαχə; mʹe꞉, ‘fat’, M.Ir. meth; ʃkʹẽ꞉v, ‘beautiful appearance’, Di. scéimh < O.Ir. scíam; sre꞉nʹ, gen. sing. of srɛən, ‘bridle’, O.Ir. srían. This e꞉ also occurs in English loan-words as in tre꞉n, ‘train’; te꞉, ‘tea’. grẽ꞉hə, ‘business, affairs’, grẽ꞉hαχ, ‘busy’ are peculiar. Dinneen only has gnó, gnóthach. The Donegal forms rather point to O.Ir. gnéthech with gr and not gʹrʹ due to association with grõ꞉hən, ‘to gain’, Di. gnóthuighim.

§ 95. There is a variety of e꞉ which occurs when the preceding consonant is not palatal. In modern Irish ae is written to denote this sound but no special symbol is employed in this book. It may be regarded as an unrounded form of the German ö in ‘böse’ and differs from the ordinary e꞉ in two particulars. The latter is formed with the corners of the mouth spread, whilst in the case of this variety the lips are in a neutral position (approximately that of Engl. ɛi in ‘day’) and at the same time the fore part of the tongue is slightly lowered and retracted. Henebry describes his E (p. 6) in such ambiguous terms that it is impossible to make out whether the sound given to the diagraph ao in Munster is similar to this Donegal variety of e꞉. Examples—Le꞉, gen. sing. of Lα꞉, ‘day’< O.Ir. láthi, láthe; re꞉, ‘time’, O.Ir. ré (r < *Rʹ); ge꞉(ə)l, gen. sing. ge꞉lʹ (with the ordinary e꞉), ‘Gael, Catholic’, O.Ir. Góedel, ge꞉lαχ, ‘Catholic’ but generally ge꞉lʹikʹ, ‘Irish, Gaelic’, with the ordinary e꞉. The younger people substitute this sound and also the ordinary e꞉ for the ö̤꞉ of the older folk, who themselves use both in a number of words, thus tö̤uw, teuw, ‘to choose’ < O.Ir. togu; rö̤꞉, re꞉, ‘choice’, O.Ir. rogu. This e꞉ further appears shortened in the diphthong ei in rei, ‘ready’, O.Ir. réid (often rəi).

​

6. ï.

§ 96. We have already seen that considerable uncertainty prevails with regard to the e-sounds in Donegal and the same applies equally to the i-sounds. By the symbol ï we denote a high-mixed-wide vowel. However in several of the cases to be mentioned below various shades are heard ranging between ï and a high-front-wide vowel. Under these circumstances J. H. inclines more to i whilst the younger folk pronounce a distinct ï. This ï seems to me to be one of the peculiar characteristics of Donegal speech both English and Irish and at first gave me the impression of an e-sound. The tongue-position for the Donegal irrational vowel approaches very nearly to that of ï, indeed ə may be regarded as a lowered ï, and the two sounds not infrequently interchange. Very remarkable also is the common substitution of ï for o̤ and vice versa.

§ 97. ï represents an O.Ir. i preceded by a palatal consonant and followed by one of different quality, e.g. bʹïlər, ‘cress’, M.Ir. biror; gʹïbɔg, ‘a little bit’, Di. giobóg; gʹïdəlαχ, ‘foolishly conceited’, Di. giodalach; gʹïl, gʹïlkαχ, ‘early grass, fog’; gʹïLαχt, ‘work about the house’ (cp. Nʹi꞉ higʹ lʹïm o̤bwirʹ erʹ biç ə jα꞉nuw sə Nʹɛ꞉r gədʹi꞉ Nʹei αm dʹi꞉Nʹαrə lʹɛ wïlʹ ə jïLαχt lʹɛ dʹα꞉nuw əgəm, ‘I cannot get to work in the hay until after dinner on account of all the things I have to do about the house’), cp. Di. giollaidheacht; gʹïmαnαχ, ‘livery-servant, coachman’, Di. gíománach, geamánach; gʹïtə, ‘bit, piece’, Di. giota; gʹlʹïmαχ, ‘lobster’, Di. gliomach; ïŋlαχ, ‘tingling in the fingers’, Di. ionglach, eanglach; kʹïmαχ, ‘clout’, also ‘a good-for-nothing fellow’, Di. ciomach; kʹïNti꞉, ‘cause, occasion’, Di. cionnta < O.Ir. cin; kʹïtαg, ‘left-hand’, Di. ciotóg; Lʹïbər, ‘hanging-lip’, Di. liobar; mʹïtαn, ‘small, useless hand’, Di. miotán; pʹïbruw, ‘rousing to fight’; pʹïkɔdʹ, ‘a pick’, Di. piocóid; pʹrʹïs, ‘cupboard’, Engl. ‘press’; ʃïk, ‘frost’, Di. sioc; ʃïkyrʹ, ‘cause’, Di. siocair, also ʃo̤kyrʹ; ʃïLuw, ‘syllable’, O.Ir. sillab; ʃïstəl, ‘to heckle’, Di. siostal; ʃkʹrʹïs, ‘destruction’, M.Ir. scris (gen. sing. ʃkʹrʹïʃ); ʃLʹïgnuw, ‘good appearance of work’ (?); smʹïnəgyrʹ, ‘small fragments’, Di. smionagar; spʹlʹïtə, ‘splinter’; ʃtʹïguw, ‘to die’, Di. stiogadh; tʹïmsuw, ‘gather in, garner’, M.Ir. timsugad; tʹïNtα꞉r sïv, ‘weed, a kind of milk-fever’ (?); tʹrʹïblɔdʹαχ, ‘troublesome’, Di. trioblóideach.

For O.Ir. initial i before a non-palatal consonant see § 58.

§ 98. When in a stressed syllable the consonant following ​the vowel is palatal but the initial consonant is not, the palatalisation in the majority of cases has affected the vowel which usually appears as ï, for exceptions see § 24. We find ï notably in the inflected forms of monosyllables containing a, o, u, e.g.

In the same way ï is occasionally the result of the palatalisation of O.Ir. e, e.g. Nʹï̃v, Nʹïfʹ, ‘poison’, O.Ir. neim, cp. § 111.

Further examples—dïvαn, ‘cormorant’, Di. duibhéan; ɛədï̃vnʹə, ‘shallowness’, Di. éadoimhin; gïvnʹə, plur. of go꞉, ‘smith’; kïfʹəlαn, ‘knot of people’, O.Ir. comthinól; kï̃vαd, ‘watch’, O.Ir. comét; kï̃vnʹαχ, ‘mindful’, O.Ir. cuimnech; kïvrʹəN, ‘plot of ground for crops’, M.Ir. comraind; krïn̥ʹαχtə), ‘wheat’, M.Ir. cruithnecht; krïpʹə, ‘button’, Di. cnaipe; rïlʹigʹ, ‘churchyard’, M.Ir. relicc; rïNʹ, ‘share, deal’, Di. roinn; rïtʹə, ‘steep’, Di. ruidhte; rï̃və, rïpʹi꞉, ‘before him, her’, cp. Wi. remi, roime, rempi p. 733; rïχt, ‘state’, O.Ir. richt; sïmʹ, ‘consideration’, Di. suim, Nʹα̃uhïmʹu꞉lʹ, ‘careless’; sLïNʹuw, ‘family name’, M.Ir. slondiud; tïgʹəm, ‘I understand’, O.Ir. tuccim.

This ï also occurs initially, e.g. ïbʹrʹi꞉, ‘workman’, cp. M.Ir. oibriugad; ïlʹə, ‘the wall round a stack of peat’, Meyer aile; ïv, ïfʹ, ‘egg’, uibh (Craig), O.Ir. og. In a few words in which ï comes from o or u, a slight rounding is to be observed, e.g. in glïnʹə, ‘glass’, M.Ir. glaine, gloine but not in glïnʹə, ‘purity’, M.Ir. glaine (so according to J. H. but doubtful); klïnʹəm, ‘I hear’, O.Ir. ro-cluin-ethar; ïlʹkʹ, O.Ir. uilcc, gen. sing. of ɔlk, ‘bad’; ïLʹə (mʹi꞉ Nə hïLʹə), ‘July’; ïNʹə, ‘June’; ïLʹiəm, ‘William’.

§ 99. Strange to say there seems to be an increasing tendency to employ ï (= O.Ir. e, i) at the expense of i between two palatal consonants. J. H. inclines more to i but the younger people prefer ï in a large number of words, e.g. bʹrʹïLʹʃkʹirʹαχt, ‘lightheadedness’, Di. breillsce; dʹïlʹ, ‘lathe’, M.Ir. deil; fʹïlʹə, ‘poet’, O.Ir. fili; gʹïbʹə, gen. sing. of gʹïb, ‘bit’, Di. giob; kʹïnʹαl, ‘kind’, (also kʹïnαl) O.Ir. cenél (but generally ꬶα꞉ çinʹαl); kʹïʃ, ‘piece of repaired path, spot to be mended’, Di. ceis; mʹïnʹ, ‘meal’, O.Ir. men; mʹïlʹ, ‘honey’, O.Ir. mil; mʹïlʹiʃ, ‘sweet’, O.Ir. ​milis; mʹïʃə, ‘me, I’, O.Ir. méssé, méisse; pʹïlʹəpʹi꞉nʹ, ‘plover’, Di. pilibín; pʹlʹïʃ, ‘puddle’, also pʹlʹo̤ʃ; ʃïlʹαg, ‘spittle’, M.Ir. seile, saile; ʃïlʹuw, ‘matter, pus’ (tʹïky꞉ ʃɛ fα hïlʹuw, ‘it will gather’) also ‘to distil, drop’, M.Ir. silim; ʃïmʹpʹlʹi꞉, ‘foolish, simple’, Di. simplidhe.

§ 100. In modern Irish iu is written for io in some cases before ch but the pronunciation is ï, e.g. fʹïχuw, ‘to boil’, M.Ir. fichim; fʹlʹïχ ‘wet’, O.Ir. fliuch (the latter is also heard as fʹlʹəχ, fʹlʹUχ).

§ 101. Before mʹ initial i is always ï, e.g. ïmʹ, ‘butter’, O.Ir. imb; ïmʹαχt, ‘to depart’, O.Ir. immthecht (according to Rhys p. 7 Manx immeeaght has a short open i); ïmʹəL, ‘edge’, O.Ir. imbel; ïmʹərtʹ, ‘to play’, M.Ir. imirt; ïmʹnʹi꞉, ‘care’, O.Ir. imned; ïmʹpʹi꞉, ‘prayer’, O.Ir. impide. But O.Ir. initial i before a non-palatal consonant is usually o̤ (§ 58). However one hears ïnχɔr̥ə, ‘fit to wrestle with, a match for’, cp. ionchurtha Cl. S. 25 vi ’04 p. 6 col. 1.

§ 102. Before r < rʹ preceding s, tʹ &c. O.Ir. e, i is frequently represented by ï, though this is in large measure due to analogy, e.g. ïrsαχə, plur. of irʹiʃ, ‘hanger’, Di. iris; kïr̥αχ, ‘guilty’, Di. coirtheach < kyrʹ, ‘crime’, plur. kïr̥ə, M.Ir. cair; kʹïrtʹə, compar. of kʹαrt, ‘right’ (also Nʹi꞉s kʹαrtə); fïrNʹαχə, plur. of fwirʹəN, ‘crew’ (f. Lyɲə, bα꞉dʹ); bʹïrtʹ, ‘a pair’, Di. beirt; tïrsαχ, ‘tired’, O.Ir. torsech. One would naturally expect to find o̤ under these circumstances after a non-palatal initial (cp. tα꞉ mʹɛ ko̤r fo̤l ṟo꞉nə, ‘my nose is bleeding’, fo̤l <fwïlʹ) and it does occur, e.g. in χo̤r sə < chuir sé, ko̤r̥ə, ‘buried’ < cuirthe; do̤r̥ə, ‘bulled’, Di. dortha from dα꞉rʹ, pres. pass. dïrtʹər; mo̤rNʹαχ, ‘pleasant, agreeable’, M.Ir. muirnech. But even in these cases there is hesitation, thus dïr̥ə may be heard by the side of do̤r̥ə and bʹïr̥ə, ‘born’, is the regular participle of beirim, imperf. pass. vïr̥i꞉.

§ 103. Apart from the cases mentioned in the preceding paragraph ï not infrequently appears where we should expect o̤ and vice versa, cp. Craig, Grammar² p. 9 note at foot, where some words are needlessly spelt with iu instead of io. The word for ‘priest’ I have usually heard pronounced sïgərt though I believe the form so̤gərt also occurs (with the latter cp. Molloy’s sogart in his 33rd dialect-list and see also § 60). The Donegal form is possibly due to association with some word like ïgliʃ, ‘church, the clergy’. We further find rïbəL, ‘tail’, M.Ir. erball, kïky꞉ʃ, ‘a fortnight’, M.Ir. cóicdigis (Craig writes cucaois) by the ​side of ro̤bəL, ko̤ky꞉ʃ. Similarly ə Nïri꞉, ‘last year’, O.Ir. innuraid; glïdi꞉, ‘effeminate, soft person’ (?); rïd, ‘thing’, § 59; lʹo̤m beside lʹïm, ‘with me’; hïsə, ‘you’, O.Ir. tussu, tusso. This uncertainty seems to have existed long ago in the case of the prefix which we find variously spelt aur‑, ur‑, ar‑, er‑, ir‑, cp. ursa, aursa, irsa Wi. p. 868.

§ 104. ï may interchange with e in some words, e.g. dïbər sə, ‘he worked’ but past part. ebʹrʹi꞉ʃtʹə; ʃïlʹəv, ʃelʹəv, ‘possession’; gïrʹidʹ, gerʹidʹ, ‘short’; fʹlʹïn̥uw, ‘sleet’, Di. flichne, flichshneachta. Cp. further § 90.

§ 105. ï occurs sporadically as the reduction of a long vowel. dʹïwælʹ (dʹəwælʹ), ‘want, need of, O.Ir. dígbail; dʹïmwitʹə, ‘apart from, besides’, cp. Derry People 9 ix ’05 p. 2 col. 7, nach maith is cuimhneach linn Domhnall is Diarmuid, Páidin agus Seamuisin; Eibhlin is Anna; Grainne agus Síghle; agus go leór diomaoite diobhtha seo. This form seems to contain the privative prefix dí- followed by mwi꞉tʹə, ‘belonging to, dependent on’, cp. sonas agus seun dhuit fhéin agus do gach duine a bhfuil maoidhte ort (from letter written by J. J. Ward of Tory Island), see also Cl. S. 25 vi ’04 p. 6 col. 1. The shortening in both dʹiwælʹ and dʹïmwitʹə) is probably due to the fact that they commonly stand before the chief stress. O.Ir. cét, ‘first’, seems to have become çiəd < kʹɛəd, which has given çïd. The reason for the shortening is not clear in this case as the word always has the stress. The same applies to ʃkʹïn, ‘knife’, gen. sing. ʃkʹinʹə, dat. sing. ʃkʹinʹ, M.Ir. scían, Craig writes sgean; ʃkʹïrduw, ‘to move quickly, slip off, slip up’, Di. scíordaim; dʹïn̥əs, ‘diligence’, dʹïnəsαχ, ‘diligent’, O’R. díonasach, Di. déanasach. iəri꞉, M.Ir. iarraid, when preceded by ag frequently becomes ïri꞉, ïRi꞉ as in Nʹi꞉Lʹ ʃə αχ ə gʹïri꞉ ə və bʹjɔ꞉, a frequent answer to an enquiry after a person’s health, ‘he’s only just getting along’. Nïnu꞉r, ‘set of nine’, O.Ir. nónbur has perhaps been influenced by dʹin̥ʹu꞉r (Lloyd gives a similar pronunciation for Monaghan and Meath G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 2). In verb stems the stressed vowel is lengthened by a following gh, but when this gh comes to stand before tʹ the vowel remains short and appears generally as ï, e.g. tö̤uw, ‘to choose’, pret. hö̤꞉ mʹə, pres. pass. tïtʹər, imperf. pass. hïtʹi꞉, past part. tïtʹə (also used as adj. = ‘choice, select, capital’), cp. O.Ir. togu; Nʹiə, ‘to wash’, M.Ir. nige, pres. pass. Nʹïtʹər, imperf. pass. nʹïtʹi꞉, past part. Nʹïtʹə but fut. act. Nʹi꞉hə mʹə. tʹrʹouw, ‘to plough’, M.Ir. trebaim, is treated in the same way, past part. tʹrʹïtʹə.

​§ 106. In Donegal O.Ir. accented e appears as i (i.e. ï) before g whether arising from O.Ir. c or d, g (i.e. Mod.Ir. dh, gh). Examples—bʹïg, ‘small’, O.Ir. becc; bʹlʹïgən, ‘to milk’, M.Ir. blegon (Finck gives blān as the Aran pronunciation); fʹïg, ‘a fathom’, M.Ir. ed (also fʹα꞉, fʹə⅄), erʹ fʹïg, ‘throughout’; fʹïg, ‘rush’, Di. feog, feag; fʹïgαn, ‘the rim of a spinning wheel’, O.Ir. fedán (?); fʹlʹïg, ‘chickweed’, Hogan fliodh, fligh, Di. flich; fʹrʹïgrə, ‘answer’, O.Ir. frecre; ïg, ‘notch’, Di. eag s. feag and neagaim, Macbain eag, Wi. fec (?), from this word two names of diseases seem to come, viz. ïgə ꬶUw̥, ‘black hives’, ïgə jαrəg, ‘red hives’; ïglə, ‘fear’, O.Ir. ecla; ïgliʃ, ‘church, clergy’, O.Ir. eclais, ïgləsαχ, ‘clergyman’, Di. eaglaiseach; ïgnə, ‘shrewd’, O.Ir. écne; kʹrʹïg, ‘crag’, Meyer crec; Lʹïgən, ‘overthrow’, Keating leagadh; ʃLʹïg, ‘spear’, M.Ir. sleg (cp. § 170). Further in one pronunciation of the word for ‘arrears’, rïgræʃtʹə, the formation of which is obscure (cp. § 170). ꬶ has not passed into g in tʹïꬶəlαχ, ‘family’, O.Ir. teglach. In this connection we might mention ïꬶəri꞉m, ‘I adore’, O.Ir. adraim (but see also § 170); fʹïꬶəriαχt, ‘likeness, picture’, M.Ir. figuir.

This change of O.Ir. e to i has doubtless been wide-spread, witness the frequency with which it appears for ea in writers of the seventeenth century, cp. O’Donovan, Grammar p. 18 and compare the pronunciation of the word for ‘bed’ in Antrim and Farney written liubaidh, G. J. 1895 p. 109, ib. p. 141, Sg. Fearn. pp. 23, 97. In S. Ulster ea before d, g, s, dh and gh is pronounced e (G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 2), which corresponds very closely to the state of affairs in Donegal.

§ 107. ï < O.Ir. e occurs before n in hïnəfʹænʹ, ‘already’ < cheana-féin but this is only one of several pronunciations of the word (Craig writes henifín); kʹïn, ‘affection’, M.Ir. cen. kʹïN, ‘head’ is probably due to the oblique cases (O.Ir. dat. ciunn), as gʹlʹαN, mʹαNαn &c. have retained the α. In an isolated form we get the form kʹαN, viz. in the name of a flower (a kind of orchid?), kʹαNəmαN dUχɔsαχ, the first part of which is evidently Hogan’s ceannbhán. ïlərə, ‘loathing’ is obscure. Dinneen has ealaraim, ‘I salt, pickle’, which may be connected. A word which has had a peculiar history is fo̤ruw tiə, ‘household furniture’. This is evidently M.Ir. errad, eirred, Di. earradh, which first became ïruw and then o̤ruw. All consciousness that the word originally had a palatal initial was lost and f was prefixed. It might be noted that Di. fionnán, ‘a kind of rough grass’ is in Donegal called fʹαNαn.

​

7. i.

§ 108. By i we denote several shades of i-sounds varying from a middle to a close i. In the neighbourhood of non-palatal consonants i undergoes certain modifications which will be mentioned under y in § 125.

§ 109. i commonly represents an O.Ir. accented i between two palatal consonants, e.g. bʹigʹ, gen. sing. of bʹïg, ‘little’; bʹiNʹ, ‘melodious’, O.Ir. bind; gʹiɲ, ‘wedge’, M.Ir. geind; pʹiʃi꞉nʹ, ‘kitten’, Di. pisín s. piscín; tʹi꞉Nʹ, ‘poorly, ill’, M.Ir. tind. Initially i can only occur before palatal consonants (cp. § 58), e.g. iNʹʃə, ‘to relate’, M.Ir. innissim, indissim; inʹigʹiLʹtʹ, ‘grazing, pasture’, Di. ingheilt; irʹiʃ ‘hanger’, Di. iris; irʹis, ‘a contract’, O’R. iris, ‘assignation’, cp. tα꞉ irʹis pɔ꞉stə ɛdirʹ mα꞉rʹ əgəs ʃe꞉məs, ‘Mary and James are engaged to be married’, O.Ir. iress.

The line between i and ï is not very sharply defined. i sometimes appears for ï especially after rʹ, e.g. in gʹrʹibαχ, ‘bustle’, cp. Cl. S. 6 ix ’02 p. 432 col. 2, Macbain has griobhag, M.Ir. grip (the word is used especially of a mêlée at camman, e.g. vi꞉ gʹrʹibαχ mo꞉r erʹ ə Nʹo̤mwæNʹ ʃïnʹ, ‘it was a rough game’, vi꞉ gʹrʹibαχ mo꞉r erʹ ⅄꞉nαχ ə Nõ꞉wirʹ Nerʹ ə vi꞉ Nα tirʹiv ə go̤r əmαχ, ‘there was great confusion at the harvest-fair when the bulls were being taken out’); gʹrʹisælʹ, ‘drubbing, slashing’, Di. gríosáil.

§ 110. Before palatal consonants i appears instead of ï in accented syllables containing a, o, u. Examples—–

§ 111. In the same way O.Ir. e before palatal consonants has frequently become i, e.g. dʹin̥ʹu꞉r, ‘party of ten’, O.Ir. deichenbor; fʹirʹigʹə, gen. sing. of fʹαrəg, ‘anger’, O.Ir. ferc, ferg; gʹrʹimʹ, ‘morsel, grip’, O.Ir. greimm; kʹiɲkʹi꞉ʃ, ‘Whitsuntide’, M.Ir. cengciges; kʹiʃαn, ‘basket’, Meyer cess; Lʹigʹən, ‘to let, allow’, Wi. lécun; mʹinʹikʹ, ‘frequent’, O.Ir. menicc; mʹirʹigʹ, ‘rust’, O.Ir. meirg; mʹiʃkʹə, ‘intoxication’, M.Ir. mesce; ʃiNʹəmʹ, ‘playing an instrument’, M.Ir. senim; smʹigʹ, ‘chin’, M.Ir. smech; tʹinʹi, ‘fire’, O.Ir. tene.

§ 112. In § 105 we saw that ï occurs in a few verbs ending in dh, gh before tʹ. Similarly i꞉ is shortened to i in verb forms before tʹ and h < fh or th. Henebry mentions this shortening for Waterford (p. 13) but it must be remembered that there is a tendency to shorten all long vowels before h < th in Donegal. Examples—vlʹi(꞉) mʹə, ‘I milked’, infin. bʹlʹiə but past part. bʹlʹitʹə, fut. act. bʹlʹihə mʹə, pres. pass. bʹlʹitʹər, cond. pass. vlʹihi꞉, O.Ir. mligim; gi꞉ (gy꞉), ‘to beseech’, past part. gitʹə, O.Ir. gude; fʹiə, ‘to weave’, pres. pass. fʹitʹər, imperf. dʹitʹi꞉, past part. fʹitʹə; tʹi꞉ ʃə, ‘he sees’, pres. pass. tʹihər dŨw̥, ‘it seems to me’. This shortening is also found in other words, as in g⅄꞉, ‘wind’, gen. sing. gihə; sihər (s⅄hər), ‘labour’, O.Ir. sáithar; tihə, ‘houses’, Di. tighthe; dʹlʹiw̥əl, ‘lawful’, Di. dlightheamhail; riw̥əlʹ, ‘royal’, < *rioghthamhail. In syllables with secondary stress i is common for i꞉ in the participial ending ‑i꞉ʃtʹə (see § 356) as in bʹαhiʃtʹə, bʹiʃiʃtʹə, srïn̥iʃtʹə; also in dʹïmwitʹə, ‘besides’ (§ 105). In the preterite of the verbs si꞉, ‘to sit’, O.Ir. suide; Li꞉ (Ly꞉), ‘to lie’, O.Ir. lige and similar verbs a short or half-long i appears instead of i꞉, y꞉ before the personal pronouns, e.g. lʹi tuw, lʹi ʃə, himʹə.

§ 113. i is frequent in unstressed syllables in place of ə before palatal consonants independent of the quality of the preceding consonant, e.g. α꞉rinʹ, Aran, ïlαn α꞉rənə, Aran Island; bɔχtinʹαχt, ‘poverty’, Di. bochtaineacht; dʹiəLidʹ, ‘saddle’, M.Ir. diallait; əgiNʹ, ‘with us’, O.Ir. ocaind; bʹαχ χαpwiLʹ, ‘wasp’, beach chapaill; kyr̥ʹimʹ, gen. sing. of kɔr̥əm, M.Ir. comthrom; ɔtʹirʹ, ‘turf-bank’, Di. Macbain oitir.

​§ 114. In the same way i takes place of ə as svarabhakti vowel between palatal combinations such as rʹgʹ, rʹv, lʹgʹ &c. (cp. Finck i p. 35). Examples—bwilʹigʹɔg, ‘bubble’, O.Ir. bolg, bolc, gen. sing. builc; hærʹigʹ, ‘offered’, M.Ir. taircim; kʹelʹigʹ, ‘deceit’, M.Ir. celg; mʹirʹigʹ, ‘rust’, O.Ir. meirg; mwærʹigʹ, ‘woe’, O.Ir. mairg; ʃirʹivə, compar. of ʃαruw, ‘bitter’, O.Ir. serb. Lα꞉rʹikʹ, ‘thigh’, beside Macbain làirig, O.Ir. loarcc shews that the kʹ is analogical and comes in from the plural, as no svarabhakti vowel is introduced between r, rʹ and k, kʹ (§ 138). Similarly the final ə of i꞉nʹə, ‘Friday’, becomes i in i꞉ni ·çɛəstə, ‘Good Friday’; tui çαhə, ‘rainbow’, = tuagh cheatha.

§ 115. After rʹ before ɔ꞉ the off-glide sometimes developes into i, as in bʹrʹiɔ꞉tʹə, ‘sickly, delicate’, infin. bʹrʹiɔuw, Di. breodhaim, Meyer breoaim, ‘I burn’.

8. i꞉.

§ 116. When standing between palatal consonants i꞉ has a very close sound but in other positions it is slightly more open. It is liable to be modified by non-palatal consonants for which see under y (§ 125) and is frequent both in syllables with chief and secondary stress.

§ 117. i꞉ represents O.Ir. í between palatal consonants, e.g. in dʹi꞉gʹ, dat. sing. of dʹi꞉g (with open vowel, also dʹiəg), ‘gutter’; ʃi꞉nʹuw (ʃi꞉Nʹuw), ‘stretch’, O.Ir. sínim; dʹi꞉ʃ ‘a couple’, cp. dís dat. of días Wi.; kʹi꞉rʹə, gen. sing. of kʹi꞉r, ‘comb’, O.Ir. cír; fʹrʹi꞉, ‘flesh-worm’, O’R. frith, Di. frigh. Similarly in i꞉, ‘fat’, Raphoe Pastoral 1904 igh, Macbain igh, M.Ir. íth and in the diminutive termination ‑i꞉nʹ, kælʹi꞉nʹ, ‘girl’. When the final of a monosyllable which contains iə becomes palatal, iə becomes i꞉, thus driən, ‘blackthorn’, O.Ir. draigen, gen. sing. dri꞉nʹ.

§ 118. O.Ir. í in words of more than one syllable before non-palatal consonants gives i꞉ (in monosyllables we usually find iə), e.g. dʹĩ꞉wi꞉nʹ, ‘unmarried’, O.Ir. dímain; kʹi꞉krαχ, ‘ravenous’, Meyer cíccarach; kʹi꞉mwælʹ, ‘to worry, contend’, O’R. ciomaim, Macbain, Di. ciom; kαrəʃ ·kʹrʹi꞉stə, ‘sponsor’, Meyer cairdes Críst s. cairddes; mʹi꞉sə, gen. sing. of mʹi꞉, ‘month’.

§ 119. Sometimes O.Ir. ía (i.e. iə) loses its second element and becomes i꞉. This is particularly the case before h < th and is therefore parallel to the shortening of long vowels before the same sound. Examples—bʹrʹi꞉hər, ‘word, speech’, O.Ir. bríathar; ​kʹlʹi꞉hαn, ‘the front of the chest’, kʹlʹi꞉hαnαχ, ‘narrow-chested’, Di. cliathán; kʹrʹi꞉hər, ‘sieve’, O.Ir. críathar; ʃi꞉msə, ‘pastime’, Di. siamsa.

§ 120. With many speakers the close e꞉ and ei tend to become i꞉, as in mʹi꞉ hi꞉nʹ = mé fhéin; grĩ꞉hαχ, ‘busy’ (§ 94); i꞉rʹi꞉ = eirigh. Regularly in grĩ꞉, ‘good looks’, grĩwəlʹ, ‘handsome’, O.Ir. gné; ʃkʹi ·æɲkʹiʃ, ‘quinsy’, Di. scéith aingcis; bʹlʹiɔg, ‘effeminate fellow’, cp. Di. bleitheachán; analogically in the inflected forms of dʹiən, O.Ir. dían, gen. sing. fem. dʹi꞉nʹə.

§ 121. A palatal O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) gave j which combined with a preceding vowel to form i꞉ both in stressed and unstressed syllables. (a) in stressed syllables—bwi꞉, ‘yellow’, O.Ir. bude, bwi꞉gαn, ‘yolk of an egg’; bri꞉n, ‘contest, brawl’, Meyer bruden (Craig wrongly writes braoghan); bʹi꞉wi꞉, ‘mischievous’, < *bidbaide, Meyer bibdaide; ꬶi꞉, pret. of giə, gyə, ‘to beseech’, O.Ir. gude; ĩ꞉çə, ‘night’, O.Ir. aidche, oidche; ri꞉nʹ, ‘tough’, M.Ir. rigin; ti꞉dɔrʹ, ‘thatcher’, Di. tuigheadóir, mər wα꞉r dri꞉Lʹə, ‘to cap all’, Di. dramhfhuigheall, drabhfhuigheal, dramhghail, drabhghail. (b) in unstressed syllables—αkli꞉, ‘pliable, soft’, Di. aclaidhe; kïki꞉s (kïky꞉ʃ), ‘fortnight’, M.Ir. cóicdigis; kʹiɲkʹi꞉ʃ, ‘Whitsuntide’, M.Ir. cengciges; mαNti꞉lʹ, ‘to mumble, talk indistinctly’, mantuighil; mwinʹi꞉nʹ, ‘confidence’, M.Ir. muinigin; mwirʹi꞉nʹ, ‘a large family’, Di. muirighean, Macbain muirichinn. The genitive of words ending in ‑uw < ‑adh, ‑amh is usually ‑i꞉, so bɔluw, ‘smell’, O.Ir. bolad, gen. sing. bɔli꞉; bʹrʹehuw, ‘judge’, O.Ir. brithem, gen. sing. bʹrʹehi꞉. Between r (= rʹ) and j a svarabhakti vowel was developed, hence M.Ir. suirge became *sirʹijə and finally sirʹi (generally with short vowel); similarly O.Ir. eirge gave eirʹi꞉.

A number of substantives (mainly feminine) which ended in ‑ad in the older language have formed a new nominative ‑i꞉ < ‑aid from the oblique cases, as indeed there is a general tendency in Donegal to make feminine substantives end in a palatal sound, e.g. genʹə̃v, ‘sand’, O.Ir. ganem. Examples:—α꞉ri꞉, ‘main cross-beam in roof’, Di. áraidhe, M.Ir. árad; kũ꞉i꞉, ‘grief’, Meyer cuma, dat. cumaid; Lʹαbwi꞉, ‘bed’, has already in M.Ir. two forms lepad, lepuid; mʹαni꞉, ‘awl’, M.Ir. menad; mɔli꞉, ‘brow, steep incline’, Wi. malaig (dat.); sα̃uwi꞉, ‘sorrel’, Di. samhadh, Macbain samh. Cp. further tʹinʹi, ‘fire’, < tenid (dat.); tʹαŋy꞉, ‘tongue’, O.Ir. tenge. Other words seem to have been influenced by these examples, as kʹïNti꞉, ‘cause’, Di. cionnta formed from ​O.Ir. cin, ‘guilt’, M.Ir. cintach, ‘guilty’ and I am inclined to think that the ‑i꞉ in gα꞉ri꞉, ‘garden, small enclosure’, M.Ir. garda and o̤mwi꞉, ‘many a’, O.Ir. immda, is also due to analogy; for the latter form cp. Derry People 24 x ’03 p. 3—siomaidh sgéul atá innisiste fa daobh dó. Henebry (p. 65) states that “gh broad or slender after l, n, r contracts w or y with the svar. thrown out by the liquid and becomes ū or ī” and quotes as instances feadghaile, murrghach. Pedersen (p. 15) says of Mod.Ir. gardha, “the word is now pronounced garī on Arran with a regular change of dh > j, development of svarabhakti vowel and change of əjə > ī; Scotch garradh”. Pedersen unfortunately fails to give us any further instances of the change of non-palatal dh > j and this sound-law has certainly not operated in Donegal, where Mod.Ir. dh after r, m disappears, as far as can be seen^{[A 5]}. Thus M.Ir. gruamda appears as gruəmə; α NʹiəLəs, M.Ir. Mac Niallguis (Fergus and Oengus unfortunately appear as fʹαrəgəs and N⅄̃꞉s); *mórdhachas, cp. Di. mórdhacht, gives mo̤Rαχəs with assimilation of rd > R and shortening of the preceding vowel; fαurə, ‘eclipse’ is obscure, but it may be mentioned here as it represents urdhubhadh. Further in a number of trisyllabic adjectives in ‑rdha the result is ‑rə, e.g. kʹαχərə, ‘miserly’, Meyer cecharda; dαnərə, ‘cruel’, Di. danardha; similarly kɔrpərə (Meyer corporda), mαsərə, mwiNʹtʹərə, ʃαskərə.

§ 122. However in the case of O.Ir. palatal g after lʹ, rʹ the svarabhakti i + j + vowel invariably gives i꞉, e.g. dælʹi꞉s, ‘difficulty’, Keating doilgheas; Nʹiən, ‘daughter’ < inʹijən (the loss of the initial i is due to the word being frequently used proclitically) O.Ir. ingen. In a few cases a post-consonantic palatal ch is treated as if it were g (Mod.Ir. gh), only the preceding consonant must be voiceless, e.g. fwætʹi꞉s, ‘timidity’, M.Ir. faitches; tɔ꞉r̥i꞉s, ‘number at birth, parturition’ (ro̤g ʃi꞉ tʹrʹu꞉r ə jɛəN tɔ꞉r̥i꞉s, ‘she had triplets’), Di. toircheas, M.Ir. torrchius.

§ 123. By shifting of stress fuirʹ, ‘got’, O.Ir. fúair, becomes fwi꞉rʹ. smwi꞉tʹuw, ‘to think’, represents M.Ir. smúainim, cp. § 443. For bwi꞉rʹuw, ‘trouble’, see § 66. For i꞉, iə < O.Ir. ua see forms with y §§ 66, 67.

§ 124. But one of the most frequent sources of i꞉ is O.Ir. ái, ói, now written aoi, e.g. fwi꞉ʃuw, ‘improvement’, Di. faoiseamh ​< M.Ir. foessam; i꞉lʹαχ, ‘dung’, O.Ir. ailedu; i꞉nʹə, ‘Friday’, O.Ir. oine; i꞉v wãiç, drɔχi꞉v, ‘good, bad appearance’, O.Ir. óiph; i꞉viNʹ, ‘agreeable’, O.Ir. áibind, óibind; i꞉vəL, ‘starting of cattle with heat’, Di. aoibhill; ki꞉nʹuw (ky꞉nʹuw), ‘to cry’, O.Ir. cáiniud (Craig writes caonadh but I have only heard the form with nʹ); ki꞉rʹ hinʹuw, ‘blazing fire’, Di. caor, cp. ki꞉rʹ hinʹuw ɔrt, ‘the curse of blazes upon you’, O.Ir. cáir; kri꞉və, gen. sing. of kryuw, ‘branch’; mwi꞉lʹ, ‘superabundance, top’ (proverb əs mʹinʹikʹ ə winʹ ə kï̃vαd mαiç ə wi꞉lʹ dəN to̤bəʃtʹə, ‘a stitch in times saves nine’), Di. maoil; mwĩ꞉v, ‘to grudge’, O.Ir. móidem, cp. Nʹi꞉Lʹ ʃə ən wĩ꞉tʹə ɔrt, ‘it is not to be grudged you’; ʃi꞉lʹəm, ‘I think’, M.Ir. sáilim (ʃ for s, cp. § 354). In other than syllables with chief stress—αχli꞉, ‘relapse in illness’, = ath + claoidh, Di. claoidhim; kαsi꞉dʹ, ‘complaint’, O.Ir. cossóit. In the inflected forms of words containing ⅄꞉, ki꞉lʹə, compar. of k⅄꞉l, ‘narrow’, O.Ir. cóel; ki꞉çə, gen. sing. fem. of k⅄꞉χ, ‘blind’, O.Ir. cáich.

In a number of cases we find i꞉ and y꞉ side by side. For the younger people’s pronunciation of ⅄꞉ as y꞉, i꞉ see § 61. In a few words i꞉ is the only sound one hears, e.g. fi꞉wər, ‘edge’, O.Ir. faibur; tri꞉, ‘to subside’ (tα꞉ N tαt ə tri꞉, ‘the pain is subsiding’) < traogh, Di. traochadh, Macbain traogh, M.Ir. trágud. This word has been differentiated from trα꞉uw, ‘to ebb’, which corresponds exactly to the M.Ir. form. tri꞉ has followed the inflected forms of the verb, e.g. pret. r̥i꞉. gɔr ·ti꞉wə lʹɛ, ‘to depend on’ (tα꞉ mʹə gɔr ·ti꞉wə lʹαt fαn ṟo̤d ətα꞉ ə ji꞉ç ɔrəm, ‘I am relying on you for what I want’) Di. i dtortaoibh s. taobh (§ 416), but the simple word occurs both as tiuw and tyuw, O.Ir. tóib.

9. y.

§ 125. This symbol represents a modified form of i due to the influence of certain non-palatal consonants. Most commonly y is an unrounded form of German ü in Güte, i.e. the fore part of the tongue is slightly lowered from the i position and is moreover retracted. This y (y꞉) appears instead of ï, i after L, N, k, g, χ, ꬶ and arises under the same conditions as these vowels. Examples—gydʹ, plur. of gαd, ‘switch’; ꬶydʹ mʹə, ‘I stole’, Di. goidim; gyʃ gen. sing. of go̤s, ‘vigour’, M.Ir. gus; kyʃɔg, ‘windle-straw’, Di. cuiseog; kytʹαg, ‘lob-worm’, Craig cuiteog; χyrʹ mʹə, ‘I put’, M.Ir. ro chuir; Nyuw, ‘saint’, O.Ir. nóib; sNỹ꞉, ‘bier’, O’R. snaoi; sNỹ꞉mʹ, ‘knot’, M.Ir. snaidm. In other than syllables with chief stress—αmsky꞉, ‘untidy’, Di. amscaoidheach; ə Nαsky꞉, ‘gratis’, M.Ir. ascid; dʹarkyαχ, ‘scrutinising, attentive’ < dear​caightheach; αrt α kʹaLy꞉, ‘Art O’Kelly’; kʹαNy꞉m, ‘I buy’, M.Ir. cendaigim.

§ 126. After other non-palatal consonants than those mentioned in the preceding paragraph the characteristic features of y are not so strongly marked and we get a sound between y and i, now approaching more nearly to the one, now to the other. This is the case after w, p, t, d, s, e.g. in tyNʹə, gen. sing. of to̤N, ‘wave’; sy꞉, ‘to sit’, O.Ir. sude; sy꞉, ‘sage’, O.Ir. sui; i꞉nuw, ‘wonder’ but Nʹi꞉rʹ wy꞉nuw, ‘it was no wonder’.

§ 127. We have seen that y꞉, i꞉ frequently take the place of ⅄꞉ especially with the younger people but even J. H. has y꞉ in a number of words such as tyuw, ‘side’, O.Ir. tóib; kryuw, ‘branch’, M.Ir. cróeb, cráeb, gen. sing. kri꞉və, plur. kry꞉wαχə). In the case of aoi great uncertainty prevails. J. H. sometimes has y꞉ in y꞉ʃ, ‘age’, O.Ir. áis; y꞉lʹ, gen. sing. of ⅄꞉l, ‘lime’, O.Ir. áel and frequently in inflected forms like sy꞉rʹ, gen. sing. of s⅄꞉r, ‘free, cheap’. But the tendency with the younger generations is to introduce i꞉ everywhere.

(c) The irrational vowel ə.

§ 128. The so-called irrational vowel in Donegal seems to lie between the mid-mixed ə in German Gabe (narrow according to Sweet) and my ï with which it often appears to interchange. It may be regarded as a lowered ï and it is interesting to find that Craig writes: “in the following a is obscure (i.e. unstressed), and is pronounced like i in mist (= ï):—asam, asat &c.” (Grammar² p. 3). In this book I have chosen to write ə before l, n, r, m &c. instead of ḷ, ṇ, ṛ, ṃ, as the quality of the vowel seems to me to be generally retained, cp. Finck’s remarks i pp. 34, 35. ə may represent the reduction of any O.Ir. short vowel in syllables not bearing the chief stress, except in the case of the termination ‑ach. Before palatal consonants i takes the place of ə (§ 113).

§ 129. Examples of ə as the reduction of O.Ir. short vowels in unstressed syllables—(a) O.Ir. a, αləbənαχ, ‘Scotch, Presbyterian’, O.Ir. albanach; αsəl, ‘ass’, M.Ir. assal; αstər (χlïNʹə), ‘labour’, Meyer astar; α̃uwərk, ‘sight’, M.Ir. amarc; α꞉məd, ‘timber’, M.Ir. admat; bαnəLtrə, ‘nurse’, M.Ir. banaltru; bαtə, ‘stick’, M.Ir. bata; gαNtənəs, ‘scarcity’, Di. ganntanas; kαr̥əNαχ, ‘loving’, Meyer carthanach; ruəmən Nə gyNʹəl, ‘daddy long-legs’, cp. Di. ruaim, ‘a long hair’, O’R. ruaghmhar, ‘whisker’ ​(the creature is also called ru꞉rʹi꞉). (b) O.Ir. e, αuwrəs, ‘doubt’, O.Ir. amiress; æɲəl, ‘angel’, O.Ir. aingel; ærʹəgʹəd, ‘money’, O.Ir. arget; bwinʹəN, ‘female’, Meyer boinenn; dα̃iən, ‘firm’, O.Ir. daingen; dʹαrəməd, ‘forget’, O.Ir. dermet; dʹẽvəs, ‘shears’, M.Ir. demess; dreçəd, ‘bridge’, M.Ir. drochet; fʹihə, ‘20’, O.Ir. fiche; fʹirʹəN, ‘male’, M.Ir. firend; fʹrʹïgrə, ‘answer’, O.Ir. frecre; ïmʹəL, ‘edge’, M.Ir. imbel; mʹɛhəl, ‘gang of labourers’, M.Ir. methel; mwilʹəN, ‘mill’, O.Ir. mulenn; mwiNʹtʹərə, ‘related’, M.Ir. muinterda; o̤rəd, ‘amount’, O.Ir. eret; skætʹə, ‘dislocated’, Di. scaithte; tiə, ‘thatch’, M.Ir. tuge; tʹiNʹəs, ‘illness’, M.Ir. tinnes. (c) O.Ir. i, in the ending of 1st pers. sing. of the pres. ind. mʹ has become m by analogy with prepositional pronouns like orm, hence the termination is ‑əm, fα꞉gəm, ‘I leave’; genʹə̃v, ‘sand’, Di. gainimh. (d) O.Ir. o, u, αrəwər, ‘corn’, Meyer arbor; α꞉rəs, ‘dwelling’, M.Ir. áros (Nʹi꞉Lʹ tʹαχ Nα α꞉rəs əgəm, ‘I have neither house nor home’); bαnəLtrə, ‘nurse’, Meyer banaltru; bʹïlər, ‘water-cress’, M.Ir. biror; bʹlʹïgən, ‘milking’, M.Ir. blegon; dα̃uwən (dõ꞉n), ‘world’, O.Ir. domun; dɔrəs, ‘door’, O.Ir. dorus; dɔ꞉χəs, ‘hope’, M.Ir. dóchus; dʹəwəl, ‘devil’, O.Ir. diabul; ɛ꞉drəm, ‘light’, O.Ir. étromm; əgəs, αgəs, ‘and’, O.Ir. ocus; fi꞉wər, ‘edge’, O.Ir. faibur; kɔr̥əm, ‘even’, M.Ir. comthromm; Lʹïgən, ‘to overthrow’, for the ending cp. M.Ir. lécun; mo꞉rtəs, ‘boasting’ < *mórdatus, M.Ir. mórdatu; mo̤rLəs, ‘mackerel’, Di. murlus; mʹαkən in Lo̤s Nə mʹαkən, ‘fungus’, O.Ir. mecon; o̤mər, ‘trough’, Meyer ambor; sɔləs, ‘light’, M.Ir. solus; to̤bəN, ‘sudden’, M.Ir. opond; to̤bər, ‘well’, O.Ir. topur.

§ 130. ə occurs further as the reduction of certain long vowels in rapid speech. Thus for instance in the preterite of verbs of the second conjugation, when followed by a pronominal subject, the ending ‑i꞉ often becomes ‑ə. I have heard it in the following—wαLə mʹə, ‘I cursed’, Di. malluighim; wαrə mʹə, ‘I killed’, = mharbhuigh; wo꞉rə mʹə, ‘I deafened’, Di. bodhruighim; wα꞉nə mʹə, ‘I grew pale’, Di. bánuighim; vαNə mʹə, ‘I greeted’, Di. beannuighim; vαl̥ə mʹə, ‘I greased’, Di. bealuighim; vrʹαn̥ə mʹə, ‘I expected’, Di. breathnuighim; hiəlṟə tuw, ‘you descended’, Di. síolruighim; hæʃkʹə mʹə, ‘I stored up’, Di. taiscighim; lʹα̃uwnə tuw, ‘you slipped’, Di. sleamhnuighim; lα̃꞉wə mwidʹ, ‘we handled’, Di. lámhuighim; χɔrə mʹə, ‘I moved’, Di. corruighim; χɔrNə mʹə, ‘I coiled, rolled up’, Di. cornaim; χu꞉də mʹə, ‘I covered’, Di. cumhduighim; ro̤n̥ə mʹə, ‘I scattered’, Di. srathnuighim; jɛərə mʹə, ‘I sharpened’, Di. géaruighim; dα꞉r̥ə mʹə, ‘I altered’, ​Di. athruighim; dɔ꞉rLə mʹə, ‘I vomited’, O’R. orlúghadh; do̤ŋgə tuw, ‘you anointed’, Di. ungaim.

Before ʃə, ʃi꞉, ʃïv, ʃiəd this ə tends to become i.

§ 131. A similar reduction takes place in the future active before the subject pronoun, see Craig, Grammar² p. 105 note. But in pausa forms and when the subject is a noun the full ending ‑i꞉ is heard, e.g. vɛkʹə mʹə əmα꞉rαχ huw? tʹi꞉fʹi꞉, = (an) bhfeicfidh mé amarach thú? tífidh; tʹïkəmwidʹ ʃiNʹ ər⅄꞉n ə Nɔ꞉r̥i꞉rʹ αχ Nʹi꞉ hïki꞉ ʃα꞉n = tiocfaidh muid sinne araon an oirthear acht ní thiocfaidh Seaghan. Likewise in the present subjunctive, e.g. go꞉ əʃtʹαχ gə dʹi꞉ gə Nɔ꞉lə tuw kɔpαN te꞉, ‘go (come) in and drink a cup of tea’.

§ 132. Very exceptionally the infinitive and substantival termination ‑adh appears as ‑ə. In most of the cases ‑adh is preceded by w, as in fɔluwə, ‘to empty’, Di. folmhughadh; gɔr·ti꞉wə lʹɛ, ‘depending on’, Di. tortaobhadh; gα꞉wə, ‘jeopardy’, Di. gábhadh; mαrəwə, ‘to kill’, Di. marbhuighim; ro꞉wə, ‘warning’, Di. rabhadh. Further in ɔ꞉rLə, ‘to vomit’, O’R. orlughadh; ɔsNə, ‘sigh’, O.Ir. osnad (osna Sg. Fearn. p. 97); Lu꞉NəsNə, ‘Lammas, August’, < lúgnasad. In words standing before the chief stress in ko̤Lə ·glu꞉rαkænʹ, ‘numbness in the feet’, = codladh; ro̤bəL ə wαdə rui, ‘the fox’s tail’, = ruball an mhadaidh ruaidh. Cp. also the following description of lucifer matches when they were first introduced—kʹipʹi꞉nʹi꞉ bʹïgə rαχə lʹɛ hinʹi^{[A 6]}.

§ 133. Similar reductions occur sporadically in si꞉w̥əlʹ, ‘strange, queer’, Di. saoitheamhail; grĩ꞉wəlʹ, ‘handsome’, Di. gnaoidheamhail; sɔ꞉kəl, ‘ease’, Keating socamhal, cp. Derry People 30 v ’04, ionnus nach rabh suaimhneas na sócal aici, also sɔ꞉kəlαχ, luigh mise go sócalach, ib. 21 xi ’03 p. 3 col. 3; dɔ꞉kəl, Di. dócamhal in tα꞉ dɔ꞉kəl mo꞉r tʹiNʹiʃ ərʹ ə Nαr sɔ, ‘this man shews signs of being in great pain’. Further dαstə mʹə beside dαstɔ꞉ mʹə, ‘I hired’, Di. fastóghadh; Lʹïnədαχ, ‘linen’, Di. lín-éadach.

§ 134. ə sometimes makes its appearance in stressed syllables instead of ï, e.g. in fʹlʹəχ, ‘wet’; Ləv, ‘plant, weed’, O.Ir. luib. Further in dʹəwəl (dʹiwəl), ‘devil’, O.Ir. diabul; dʹəwælʹ, ‘want’ (§ 105); ʃəwidʹ < seo dhuid; əməwə, ‘astray, wrong’, Wi. immada; məwilʹ, ‘quiet’, Di. modhamhail; əN, ‘in, there’, əNəm, ‘in me’. The form i n- in cases like ə Nα꞉tʹαχə has been identified ​with əN = ann with the result that the latter has largely driven out the older form. Before a consonant initial a double form əNə is commonly used, e.g. əNə mɔrαn ɔkuw, ‘in many of them’, əNə mʹïgαn Lɛhə, ‘in a few days’, əNə ʃïpə, ‘in a shop’. For a similar developement in Farney see G. J. 1896 p. 147 col. 2.

§ 135. A number of words ending in a consonant in O.Ir. have been extended by the addition of ə, cp. Finck i p. 37. Such are α꞉wə, ‘Adam’; drihαχtə, ‘sorcery’, M.Ir. druidecht; dʹeirʹkʹə, ‘alms’, O.Ir. deircc; dʹrʹu꞉χtə, ‘dew’, M.Ir. drúcht; (ə) giNʹəstə dŨw̥, ‘unknown to me’, = gan fhios; ïgə ꬶUw̥, jαrəg, ‘black, red hives’, Di. feag, Wi. fec (?); kαhə, ‘battle’, O.Ir. cath (the usual term for ‘battle’ now-a-days is bʹrʹiʃuw); krα̃꞉bʹə, ‘hemp’, Meyer cnáip; krïn̥ʹαχtə, ‘wheat’, M.Ir. cruthnecht; mα꞉sə, ‘thigh’, M.Ir. máss; mo꞉dʹə, ‘vow’, M.Ir. móit; mʹɛəwə, M.Ir. Medb; rihαχtə, ‘kingdom’, Di. ríoghacht; sα꞉wə, Mod.Ir. Sadhbha, M.Ir. Sadb; uαχtə, ‘pledge’, Di. udhacht.

§ 136. In pretonic syllables all vowels whether short or long and diphthongs may be reduced to ə. os in əs kʹïN, ‘above’, Wi. os chind, os a cind. do, de become də, ə, e.g. tα꞉ mʹə ə mə χu꞉nælʹ, ‘I am perishing with cold’. Similarly dia in tα꞉ ʃïnʹ ə jəwælʹ ə və dʹα꞉Ntə, ‘that requires to be done’, = dia dhioghbháil. But dia just as often appears as α, Nʹi꞉rʹ çrʹidʹ Nα di꞉nʹi꞉ ʃɛ꞉rLəs αχ tα꞉ ʃɛ α çiNʹtʹuw əNʹUw̥, ‘people did not believe Charles but he is proving it to-day’, = dia chinntiughadh. There is a very peculiar phrase in which this ə < dia seems to occur, viz. Nʹi꞉lʹ ə mʹiʃtʹə lʹïm, ‘I don’t mind, I should very much like’. With this is to be compared Craig’s dheamhan a miste liom (Iasg.), from which it would seem that Nʹi꞉lʹ has been substituted for dʹəwəl, ‘devil’. dia, ‘if’, also appears as ə, α, ə mʹeiNʹʃə, ‘if I were’. ar is reduced to ə in the phrase ə wα̃hə lʹɛ, ‘for the sake of’, Di. mar (ar) mhaithe le. O.Ir. íar has been lost except in a couple of phrases as in ər du꞉s, ‘at first’. But this is an accident as O.Ir. íar, ar and for have been confused and ar alone has survived in the form erʹ (cp. Scotch G. air) which still causes eclipse in ər du꞉s, erʹ gu꞉l, ‘back’, but not in erʹ fα꞉lʹ which is used as the past participle of jɛvəm. aon, ‘one, a single, any’ when not stressed becomes ən, ə, e.g. Nʹi꞉lʹ ə ꬶah ə wiLʹ ɔrəm = ní’l aon dhath de mhoill orm, ‘there is nothing to hinder me’, cp. Craig, Derry People 30 iv ’04 p. 3 col. 4, cha rabh a dhath a mhaith dí sin a dheanadh ach urad; Nʹi꞉lʹ ə·Nynʹə əN, ‘there is not any one there’ but Nʹi꞉ row ·ɛə·Nynʹ əstiç, ‘there was not a soul inside’. ​In tα꞉ ʃɛ ə jαL erʹαm ə wiNʹtʹ əs, ‘he wants to waste time’, Nʹi꞉lʹ mʹə ə jαL erʹ, ‘I do not like it’, Nʹi꞉lʹ mʹɛ ə jαL erʹ ə ꬶɔLʹ ʃerʹ, ‘I do not want to go over’ we seem to have Dinneen’s ní’l aon gheall aige air, ‘he has no regard for it’ (s. geall) construed personally.

§ 137. The frequent occurrence of this ə before verbs and substantives, the origin of which is often forgotten, has led to its extension in cases where it has no historical foundation. As an instance of this we may regard the relative pronoun ə, cp. Finck ii p. 269. Similarly ə χy꞉çə, ‘ever’, M.Ir. caidche, coidche; erʹ ə hαχt ə welʹə dŨw̥, ‘after coming home’, = iar dteacht; erʹ ə ꬶɔLʹ ʃi꞉s dɔ꞉, ‘after he had gone down’, = iar ndul; aχə·di꞉widə, ‘about, concerning’, < fá gach taoibh de, where however the αχə may stand for gach aon. The d is transported from the shorter phrase fα di꞉widə, for which see §§ 314, 395. It is also possible to regard aχə·di꞉widə as standing for gach fá dtaoibh de with a superfluous gach prefixed as seems to be the case in the curious phrase αχ·dαχərNə lα꞉, ‘every other day’. By the side of this peculiar conglomeration (g)αχ·dαrə Lα꞉ is also used. The chief difficulty lies in the position of the stress, else the phrase might be resolved into gach gach darna lá.

§ 138. A number of non-palatal consonant-groups have developed a svarabhakti vowel ə. Between palatal consonants i takes the place of ə, cp. § 114. The chief cases are the following꞉—

(a) l + cons.

As v, mʹ are not included among the palatal consonants mentioned in § 74, they may be preceded by ə, e.g. dʹelʹəv, ‘form’, M.Ir. deilb (acc.); enʹəvi꞉, ‘animal’, Meyer anmide; enʹəvïsαχ, ‘ignorant’, Meyer anfiss; ə Nʹinʹəv, ‘in a fit state to do a thing’, inʹəv alone is used in the sense of ‘vigour’, as in Nerʹ ə fuirʹ mʹə bʹiʃαχ Nʹi꞉ ro inʹəv əNəm, ‘when I recovered, there was no strength in me’. This is doubtless the same word as inme, ‘wealth’ (Laws), Di. inmhe, ‘estate or patrimony’. Further Lʹinʹəv, gen. sing. of Lʹαnuw, ‘child’; skærʹəv, ‘sandy shore of a river’, Di. scairbh; ʃelʹəv, ‘possession’, M.Ir. seilb (acc.). For examples of ə with ꬶr, ꬶl see § 338. Sometimes we find ə where we might expect i, as in ærʹəgʹïd, ‘money’.

A svarabhakti vowel may also be heard between two words when the first begins^[1] and the second commences with a consonant, as in kʹiLʹə ·χαr̥ə, ‘Kilcar’ (this is J. H.’s invariable pronunciation); əN mw⅄꞉ʃə ʃə, ‘in my time’; ɛgʹ mα hi꞉vəʃə, ‘at my side’.

§ 139. αi usually represents O.Ir. a followed by palatal th, e.g. mαiç, ‘good’, O.Ir. maith; αihərə, ‘short cut’, Meyer aith-gerre; flαihiʃ, ‘heaven’ < O.Ir. flaith; αiç ·o꞉Nə, ‘colt’s foot’, Hogan aithinn; fʹïlu꞉N sαiç, ‘red hives’; bʹαihαχ, ‘lively’, Craig (Iasg.) beaitheach; skαiç, ‘the best of’ as in riNʹ ʃɛ skαiç Le꞉ NʹUw̥, from an oblique case of M.Ir. scoth. In words of the form α, ɔ + h + i꞉ (i) there is a distinct tendency to introduce the palatal vowel of the second syllabic into the first, thus producing αi. Hence athair may become aithir, Chr. Bros. Aids to Pron. of Irish p. 86, similarly maithir for mathair in Glencolumbkille, G. J. 1891 p. 79. Examples—kαihi꞉, ‘temptation’, also kαhi꞉, spelt cathaidh in Litir an Chorgais of diocese of Raphoe 1904 and Spir. Rose p. 20, plur. kαihiəNỹ꞉, kαihiɔrʹ, ‘tempter’, Di. cathuighim, M.Ir. cathaigim. Similarly kαihirʹ, ‘chair’, Di. cathaoir, M.Ir. catháir, Sg. Fearn. caithir p. 63; kαir̥ʹiɔrʹ, ‘citizen’, kαir̥ʹαχə, plur. of kαhærʹ, M.Ir. cathir (catháir and cathir have been confused in Donegal). Lαiç, ‘mud’, M.Ir. lathach, scarcely belongs here. The word probably followed the declension of blα꞉χ, blα꞉içə. Hence gen. sing. Lαiçə from which a new nominative was formed. Infinitives of the form x + αhuw might have in the preterite ​either x + αiç or x + αh but the former has been generalised and αi has been introduced into the present system, e.g. skαhuw, ‘to wean’, M.Ir. scothaim, pres. skαihəm, pret. skαiç. Similarly krαihəm, ‘I shake’, M.Ir. crothaim; brαihəm, ‘I betray’, Meyer brathaigim. Before rʹ, tʹ αi becomes æ (§ 75).

§ 140. αi represents O.Ir. o before a palatal consonant in kαigʹiLʹtʹ, ‘raking the fire’, M.Ir. coiclim. Also in the parts of mohuw, ‘to feel, hear’, fut. mαihaχə mʹə, pret. wα̃ihi꞉ mʹə.

§ 141. In syllables with secondary stress αi represents an older á before O.Ir. palatal g as in i꞉wα̃iç, ‘image’, Wi. imaig, Atk. imágin; o̤mərwαi`, ‘contention’, M.Ir. immarbáig (dat.). du꞉rαi`, ‘foundation’, is evidently O’R.’s dúrtheach, Wi. durthech, daurthech but the formation is by no means plain. Di. has duthrach.

In dα͠ıən, ‘firm’, O.Ir. daingen, we have a triphthong but the whole only counts as one syllable, compar. Nʹi꞉s dαinʹə. In mαiʃtʹirʹ, ‘master’, αi is due to contraction of αji to αi.

2. αu.

§ 142. αu arises from O.Ir. accented a, e, (o) followed by b (Mod.Ir. bh) + another non-palatal consonant. Before r, l, n αu ends in the bilabial spirant w, which we often denote in writing. Examples—αuwri꞉, ‘Jew’, M.Ir. ebraide, αuwriʃ, ‘Hebrew (language)’, also tαŋ αuwrə; αuwiLʹ, ‘orchard’, Meyer aball; αuwLɔrʹ, ‘cluster of nuts’ (?); αuwLə, ‘wafer’, O.Ir. obla; αuwLɔrʹ, ‘a foolish prater’, M.Ir. oblóir; mʹi꞉ αuwrə, ‘February’, Di. feabhra; fαuwri꞉, ‘eye-lashes’, M.Ir. abra, fabra; fʹiαuwrəs (fʹiəuwrəs), ‘fever’, Keating fiabhras; grαuwər, ‘loose dry turf-mould’, Di. grabhar; kαuwlαχ, ‘fleet’, M.Ir. coblach; kαusə, ‘pathway through boggy land’ < Engl. ‘causeway’; ʃLαuwruw, ‘chain’, M.Ir. slabrad. An obscure word is fαuwrə, ‘eclipse’, henʹi mʹə fαuwr erʹ ə jαli꞉ rɛirʹ, ‘I saw an eclipse of the moon last night’. This is evidently the same as Dinneen’s urdhubhadh and Finck’s orə (ii p. 207) the existence of which Pedersen unnecessarily doubts (ib. p. 288). In Donegal the word is masc., nom. plur. fαuwri꞉, fαuwriαχə). It may well be that it has been influenced by the word for ‘eye-lashes’.

§ 143. The normal pronunciation of O.Ir. eba, aba may be regarded as o꞉, see § 40, but in a few cases we find the older stage αuwə preserved, e.g. in αuwək, ‘dwarf, M.Ir. abacc; dαuwi꞉, ‘vat’, gen. sing. dαuχə, nom. plur. dαuwαχi꞉, M.Ir. dabach; dʹαuwi꞉, ​‘urging, nagging’, e.g. kyNʹαxə mʹə dʹαuwi꞉ lʹαt gə dʹi꞉ gə ro ʃinʹ dʹα꞉Ntə, ‘I shall keep on worrying you until that is done’, M.Ir. debaid; kαuwəl klɔχə, ‘heap of stones’, Di. cobhail, cabhail, cabhal (with different meaning); LʹαuwəN, ‘half-sale’, Di. leath-bhonn; ʃtʹrʹαuwɔg, ‘impudent little girl’, cp. 194 l. 20; tαuwuw, ‘to earn, deserve’, tα꞉ α fα꞉jə tαuwi꞉(ʃtʹə) ɛgʹə, ‘he has earned his wages’, Di. tamhuighim, but J. H. does not nasalise, O’R. gives tabhuighim, ‘I profit, exact, collect’, hence the word seems to be a deverbative from M.Ir. tobach infin. of do-bongim. kαuwlædʹ, ‘the noisy talk of a number of people’, kαuwlædʹαχ, ‘noisy’, cp. M.Ir. callaire, may be due to Connaught influence, cp. Finck i p. 41.

§ 144. α̃u arises from O.Ir. am, em, (om). Before r, l, n a bilabial w is clearly heard and at the end of monosyllables the spirant loses its voice. Examples—α̃ugər, ‘distress’, Di. Meyer amhgar; α̃uwli꞉, ‘thus’, M.Ir. amlaid; α̃uwrəs, ‘doubt’, O.Ir. am-iress; α̃uwərk, ‘sight’, Meyer amarc; αuw̥, ‘insipid’, M.Ir. om; gα̃uwinʹ, ‘calf’, M.Ir. gamuin; gα̃uwnαχ, ‘a stripper’, M.Ir. gamnach; gʹα̃uwər, ‘young corn’, Di. geamhar; klα̃uwərtʹ, ‘nibbling, gnawing’, klα̃uwαn, ‘a spot where there is little grazing for cattle’, cp. Di. glámaim; klα̃usαn, ‘murmuring, grumbling’, Di. clamhsán; kʹlʹα̃uwni꞉, ‘son-in-law’, Meyer clíamain; kʹrα̃uw̥, ‘garlic’, M.Ir. crem; Lʹα̃uwαn, ‘elm’, M.Ir. lem; Lʹα̃uw, ‘silly’, M.Ir. lem; rα̃uwər, ‘fat’, M.Ir. remor; sα̃uwi꞉, ‘sorrel’, Di. samhadh; sα̃uwiLʹtʹ, ‘to imagine’, Di. samhluighim, cp. Nʹi꞉ αkə mʹə ə sα̃uwiLʹtʹ də wrĩ꞉, ‘I never saw such a woman’, Nʹi꞉rʹ hα̃uwiLʹ ʃə bwiNʹtʹ dŨw̥, ‘he did not even as much as touch me’; sα̃uwnəs, ‘loathing, nausea’, Di. samhnas; sα̃uwruw, ‘summer’, M.Ir. samrad; sα̃uwinʹ, ‘All Hallows, November’, M.Ir. samuin; skα̃uwænʹ, ‘lungs’, Di. scamhán; sklα̃uw̥, ‘snarl’, Di. sclamh; ʃLʹα̃uwinʹ, ‘smooth, slippery’, M.Ir. slemon.

3. α꞉i.

§ 145. α꞉i usually represents O.Ir. accented á followed by a palatal th, d, g, e.g. α꞉i, gen. sing. of α꞉, ‘luck’, M.Ir. ág; α̃꞉içə, α̃꞉iç i꞉lʹ, ‘lime-kiln’, Meyer áithe; fα꞉i, ‘prophet’, O.Ir. fáith; grα꞉i, gen. sing. of grα꞉, ‘love’; χrα꞉i, pret. of krα꞉, ‘to torment’, M.Ir. cráidim; o̤mrα꞉i, gen. sing. of o̤mrα꞉, ‘report’, M.Ir. imrád (Atk. p. 762); sα꞉ihəm, ‘I thrust’, M.Ir. sáthud, pret. hα꞉i mʹə; sα꞉iç, ‘sufficiency’, M.Ir. sáith; trα꞉i, ‘shore’, M.Ir. trág, tráig. When a syllable is added to a form ending in α꞉i i becomes j, as in fα꞉jəNỹ꞉, ‘prophets’, plur. of fα꞉i. When O.Ir. á is followed by any other palatal consonant we simply ​find α꞉, though before ç, rʹ a kind of j on-glide is heard. Thus tα꞉juw, ‘to weld’, Di. táthaim, pret. hα꞉i mʹə but fut. tα꞉çə mʹə; sα꞉huw, pres. pass. sα꞉tʹər; imperf. hα꞉tʹi꞉; α꞉rʹi꞉ʃtʹə, ‘reckoned, calculated, reputed’, past part. of α꞉rʹi꞉m, ‘I count’, O.Ir. áirmim (α꞉rʹuw is used principally of counting sprats, kale &c. in threes); mα꞉rʹə, ‘Mary’; α꞉lʹ, gen. sing. of α꞉l, ‘litter’, Meyer ál; rα꞉çə, ‘quarter of a year’, M.Ir. ráthe; gα꞉rʹə, ‘laugh’ (subst.), M.Ir. gáire; ər dα꞉rʹ, ‘bulling’, M.Ir. dáir (note the pres. pass. dα꞉rtʹər).

§ 146. In several instances α꞉i arises by the contraction of two syllables caused by the quiescence of intervocalic th, bh, gh, dh, e.g. brα꞉i, ‘hostage, prisoner’, M.Ir. brage (this word is also used to mean ‘unfilled ears of corn’) but brα꞉dʹ, ‘throat’, from the oblique cases of O.Ir. bráge, cp. kyt wrα꞉dʹ, ‘king’s evil’; blα꞉içə, gen. sing. of blα꞉χ, ‘butter-milk’, M.Ir. bláthach, dat. sing. blα꞉i; vα̃꞉i mʹə, ‘I weighed’ (fut. mʹα̃꞉ihə mʹə) < mheadhaigh mé, Di. meadhaim, Donegal mʹα꞉jəm, past part. mʹα꞉tʹə, imperf. pass. vα̃꞉tʹi꞉.

4. α꞉u.

§ 147. α꞉u occurs under the same conditions as α꞉i in the preceding paragraph. For the w in which the diphthong is liable to end see § 142. Examples—grα꞉uw, ‘to love’, Atk. gradaigim; trα꞉uw, ‘to ebb’, M.Ir. trágud.

§ 148. α̃꞉u represents O.Ir. accented á followed by final m (Mod.Ir. mh), e.g. krα̃꞉uw, gen. plur. of krα̃꞉v, ‘bone’, O.Ir. cnáim, pʹiən Nə grα̃꞉uw, ‘rheumatism’; Lα̃꞉uw, ‘hand’, O.Ir. lám; sNα̃꞉uw, ‘swimming’, M.Ir. snám; tuəmʹ tα̃꞉uw, ‘idle rumour’, for tuəmʹ see § 383. When a syllable beginning with a vowel is added u becomes w, thus lα̃꞉wə ʃi꞉, ‘she handled’, from Lα̃꞉uw, ‘hand’.

5. ɔi, ɔ꞉i.

§ 149. A diphthong ɔi occurs in a few words before ç, h < O.Ir. th. Hence the second element of ɔi is really the on-glide of the following palatal sound. Examples—bɔihαχ, ‘byre’, Meyer bó-thech; dɔiçəL, ‘shyness (of horses)’, Di. doicheall; klɔiç, dat. sing. of klɔχ, ‘stone’; kɔiçə, ‘blast, whirlwind’, connected with Di. cobhthach, coifeach; kɔihαn, ‘torch’, O’R. gaithean (?). Occasionally ɔi may be heard in secondary syllables, as in bʹαχɔigʹə also bʹαχægʹə, gen. sing. of bʹαχɔg, ‘bee’. For wɔ̃ihi꞉, pret. of mαihi꞉m, ‘I feel, perceive’, Di. mothuighim see ​§§ 139, 140. By contraction we get forms such as ɛəlɔim, ‘I escape’, which is a new formation from the infin. ɛəlɔ꞉, M.Ir. élud, éláim. klɔiçə, Lɔi may be heard by the side of kləiçə, Ləi for kliçə, ‘game’, Ly꞉, ‘to lie’.

§ 150. Occasionally we find ɔ꞉i as a diphthong, e.g. dɔ꞉i, ‘way’, O.Ir. dóig; dɔ꞉iu꞉lʹ, ‘handsome’, Di. dóigheamhail; dʹɛəlɔ꞉i ʃə, ‘he escaped’, infin. ɛəlɔ꞉.

6. uə.

§ 151. The first element of this diphthong is the open u described in § 44. uə usually represents O.Ir. ua < ō, e.g. in kruəχ, ‘stack’, M.Ir. crúach; kuəχ, ‘coil, ringlet, cuckoo’, M.Ir. cúach; kuən, ‘harbour’, M.Ir. cúan; Luə, ‘early’, M.Ir. lúath; Luəχ, ‘price’, O.Ir. lúach; Luəskαnαχ, ‘speedy’, Di. luascánach; ruəgʹəm, ‘I put to flight’, M.Ir. ruaic; sal·χuəχ, ‘violet’, Di. sail-chuach; suən, ‘a doze, sleep’, M.Ir. súan; truə, ‘wretched’, O.Ir. trúag; tuə, ‘axe’, M.Ir. tuag; tuərəstəl, ‘wages’, M.Ir. tuarustul; uəlαχ, ‘burden’, M.Ir. ualach. Note also the contracted forms kruəχən, ‘hardening’ < cruadhachan; kruəgy꞉, ‘liver’ (§ 415). The first element of this diphthong seems to have been very open throughout Ireland as Irish words containing the sound are spelt in English with oa, e.g. Croagh Patrick, bórach = buarach, Straoughter = Srath-uachtar, Oughterard &c. Cp. also bóchaill for buachaill Sg. Fearn. p. 101.

7. ui.

§ 152. ui contains the same u as uə and represents O.Ir, ui, uai. Examples—buiLʹtʹαχəs, ‘summer grazing in the mountains’, Meyer búaltechas, buiLʹtʹə, ‘a summer pasture’; buiLʹtʹi꞉nʹ, ‘the striking wattle on a flail’, Di. buailtín; buirʹuw, ‘trouble’, M.Ir. búadred, buaidred; bui, ‘obligation’, O.Ir. búaid; fuiʃkʹnʹuw, ‘shudder’ (?); gluiʃ, ‘move’, M.Ir. gluaisim; grui, ‘check’, Di. gruaidh < O.Ir. gruad; hui, ‘north’, M.Ir. thuaid; krui, ‘hard’, M.Ir. crúaid; Lui, ‘ashes’, M.Ir. luaith (acc.); Luiə, ‘lead’, M.Ir. luaide; skuidʹ, ‘cow-dung’; uiLʹ, ‘wild talk’, Di. uaill, M.Ir. uall. ui arises by contraction in klũiʃtʹə, ‘feathered, fledged’, < clúmhaiste; Luiαχt, ‘benefit’, M.Ir. logidecht. ui frequently becomes ɔə, o̤ə in χuəli꞉, ‘heard’; χuə, ‘went’.

The cases where u꞉ occurs for ui have been enumerated in § 46. Forms like kũ꞉i꞉, ‘grief, sorrow’, do not belong here, as they are dissyllables. ​

8. ɛi.

§ 153. The greatest uncertainty prevails when e forms the first and i the second clement of a diphthong. When ei stands before any other palatal consonant than those mentioned in § 74, J. H. usually has ɛi whilst the younger people prefer ei, e.g. kʹlʹɛiv, gen. sing. of kʹlʹiuw, ‘basket’; Lʹɛijəm, ‘I read, melt’, but past part. Lʹeitʹə, imperf. pass. lʹeitʹi꞉; dʹi꞉lʹɛiəm, ‘I digest’, M.Ir. dílegim, ji꞉lʹɛi mʹə, ‘I digested’; kʹlʹɛ̃iəv, ‘sword’, plur. kʹlʹɛ̃ifʹαχə. Before mʹ, ɛi, ei and even ɛə are heard, thus Lʹɛimʹ, ‘spring, jump’, M.Ir. léimm; kʹɛimʹ, ‘dignity’, M.Ir. céimm. Hence ɛi usually arises from O.Ir. é followed by a palatal consonant and sometimes from O.Ir. accented e followed by palatal g (Mod.Ir. gh).

9. ɛu(w).

§ 154. This diphthong occurs in a few infinitives, where an intervocalic gh, dh have become silent before the termination ‑uw, as in Lʹɛuw, ‘to read, melt’, Di. léigheadh, O.Ir. legad (‘to melt’); tʹɛuw, ‘to heat’, Di. téidheadh but tʹeiji꞉ ʃə, ‘he warms’; spʹrʹɛuw, ‘to scatter’, Di. spréidheadh, also in spʹrʹɛuw ɔrt, ‘bad cess to you’ written spréadh, spréamh Cl. S. 18 vii ’03 p. 3 col. 2. The infinitive of dʹi꞉lʹɛiəm, ‘I digest’, is dʹi꞉lʹɛαuw.

10. ɛə.

§ 155. This diphthong may be regarded as the regular Donegal representative of O.Ir. accented é by compensatory lengthening, when standing before a non-palatal consonant. Before r and occasionally before other sounds more especially as the initial of trisyllables, we find ɛ꞉ for ɛə, cp. § 86. Examples—dʹɛəd, ‘row of teeth’, O.Ir. dét; ɛəd, ‘jealousy’, O.Ir. ét; ɛən, ‘bird’, O.Ir. én; ɛədo꞉nʹ, ‘shallow’, Di. éadoimhin; ɛədrəm, ‘light’, M.Ir. étromm; fʹɛədəm, ‘I may’, M.Ir. fétaim (this verb is also used idiomatically in the sense of Eng. ‘need’, locally ‘might’, Nʹi꞉ ɛədəN tuw kɔruw, ‘you need not stir’); fʹɛəsɔg, ‘beard’, M.Ir. fésóc; Nʹɛəl, ‘cloud’, O.Ir. nél (gen. sing. Nʹeilʹ); tʹrʹɛən, ‘strong’, O.Ir. trén. Also in the late loan-words fʹɛəstə, ‘feast’, Di. féasta; rɛəsu꞉n, ‘reason’, Di. réasún.

§ 156. ɛə also arises in a few instances through contraction owing to the quiescence of intervocalic d, g. Examples—bʹrʹɛə, ‘fine’, Meyer bregda; dʹɛənαχ, ‘last’, O.Ir. dédenach; ɛən, ‘ivy’, M.Ir. edenn; əmʹɛəwəs əgəm = da mbéidheadh fhios agam; LʹɛəN, ​‘learning’, O.Ir. legend; Lʹɛəs, ‘to cure, healing’, M.Ir. leges. The younger people substitute ɛə sometimes for ö̤꞉ of the older folks, as in ɛərk, ‘horn’. The word for ‘corn-crake’ occurs as trɛənə and trö̤꞉nə, Di. traona. tʹɛəm, an abbreviated form for ‘give me’, is commonly stated to have come in from Connaught but its developement is not clear and it is also found in Farney, Sg. Fearn. p. 50. By the side of tʹɛəm tαiəm is also heard. O.Ir. ia preceded by r < rʹ, Rʹ gives ö̤꞉, ɛə in rö̤꞉χtənəs, rɛəχtənəs, ‘need’; srɛən, ‘bridle’, M.Ir. srían, cp. § 73. The word for ‘one’, O.Ir. óin, has a variety of pronunciations. ⅄꞉n, ö̤꞉n, i꞉n stand for ‘one’ in counting &c. whilst ɛən means ‘a single one, any’, ·ɛən ·çïN ə·wα̃꞉nʹ, ‘not a single one’, further reduced to ən, for which see § 136.

§ 157. O.Ir. accented e + d + cons. gives ɛə in Lʹɛəb, ‘strip of cloth, land’, Di. leadhb, Macbain leòb, M.Ir. ledb; mʹɛəg, ‘whey’, M.Ir. medg; mʹɛəwə, M.Ir. Medb; bαnɛəmataχ, ‘housekeeper’, Di. feadhmannta.

11. ei.

§ 158. ei represents O.Ir. accented é before a palatal consonant and therefore frequently corresponds to ɛə before other consonants. Examples—bʹeilʹ, gen. sing. of bʹɛəl, ‘mouth’; bʹlʹeinʹ, ‘groin’, M.Ir. blén, but plur. bʹlʹɛəNLαχə; eilʹuw, ‘to claim’ (commonly used of animals clamouring for food, locally ‘to crave’), M.Ir. éliugud; eirʹ, gen. sing. of ɛ꞉r, ‘air’, O.Ir. áer; eiʃkʹ, gen. sing. of iəsk, ‘fish’; eiʃtʹαχt, ‘listen’, M.Ir. éitsecht; smʹeirʹə, gen. sing. of smʹɛ꞉r, ‘blackberry’; spʹeirʹ, ‘sky’, Di. spéir; ʃeidʹuw, ‘to blow’, O.Ir. sétiud; ʃLʹeivtʹə, plur. of ʃLʹiuw, ‘mountain’, O.Ir. sliab (gə Lα꞉ Nʹ tʹlʹeivə, ‘till Doomsday’, cp. Cl. S. 20 viii ’04 p. 6 col. 1).

§ 159. ei may arise by contraction owing to the quiescence of intervocalic g, d (Mod.Ir. gh, dh), e.g. in LʹeiNʹ, gen. sing. of LʹɛəN, ‘learning’, O.Ir. legend; Lʹeiʃ, gen. sing. of Lʹɛəs, ‘healing, cure’, M.Ir. leges. For Lʹeijəm, ‘I read, melt’, see § 153.

§ 160. ei arises sporadically in a few cases where an accented ai, oi is followed by g, d, e.g. eirʹə, ‘ice’, bʹïrəNỹ꞉ eirʹɔgʹə, ‘icicles’, M.Ir. aigred, oigred; eirʹə, ‘heir’, Atk. oigir; seivir, ‘rich’, M.Ir. saidbir; Lʹei, ‘a leech, doctor’, plur. Lʹeiji꞉, LʹeijəNỹ꞉, O.Ir. liaig. eilʹi꞉nʹ, ‘a brood of chickens’, and eilʹɔg, ‘a young chicken’, are altogether anomalous. They are perhaps due to confusion between α꞉l, ‘litter’ and eirʹɔg, ‘a pullet’, Di. éireog, M.Ir. eirin.

​§ 161. A clipped ei (ei`) occurs before ç in eiç, plur. of αχ, ‘steed’, O.Ir. ech; ʃeiçə, ‘hide’, M.Ir. seche (Lʹæʃeçə, Lʹetʹeçə, ‘a half-hide’); Lʹeiç < ‘half’.

12. e꞉i.

§ 162. In a very few cases e꞉i occurs. These are dʹe꞉i, mə je꞉i, ‘behind me’, O.Ir. déad, diaid, degaid; tʹe꞉i, imper. of tʹɛuw, ‘to heat’, Di. teidheadh, pret. he꞉i, past part. tʹe꞉itʹə, but forms with ei are also frequent, e.g. from spʹrʹɛuw beside the pret. spʹrʹe꞉i mʹə the future spʹrʹeiçə mʹə occurs, past part. spʹrʹeitʹə.

13. iə.

§ 163. This diphthong frequently represents O.Ir. ia, ía of whatever origin, e.g. iəri꞉, ‘to ask’, M.Ir. iarraid; mʹiən, ‘desire’, O.Ir. mían but bə vi꞉Nʹ Lʹïm (§ 457); pʹiən, ‘pain’, O.Ir. pían; kʹiəLəNỹ꞉, ‘black fast’, Di. céalacan, ciallacan. O.Ir. ia is often followed by d, th which are now quiescent, e.g. bʹiə, ‘food’, O.Ir. biad, bʹiətαχ, ‘inn-keeper’, M.Ir. biatach; bʹlʹiən, gen. plur. of bʹlʹiïnʹ, ‘year’; kʹlʹiə, ‘harrow’, O.Ir. clíath; Lʹiə, ‘gray’, O.Ir. líath; ʃiəbuw, ‘to sweep away’, Macbain siab, Manx sheebey.

§ 164. O.Ir. accented í before a non-palatal consonant became over-long and developed into the diphthong iə, e.g. iəχtər, ‘bottom’, O.Ir. íchtar; iətə, ‘thirst’ (not common), O.Ir. itu; kʹiəχ, ‘breast’, O.Ir. cích; kʹrʹiəNə, ‘wise, prudent’, O.Ir. crín; Lʹiənuw, ‘to fill’, O.Ir. línad; mʹiəl, ‘louse’, M.Ir. míl; pʹiəχαn, ‘hoarseness’, Macbain pìochan, Di. piocán, spiocán, O’R. spiochan, Fournier ceochan; ʃiəl, ‘seed’, O.Ir. síl. In ʃiəl̥α꞉, ‘to strain (milk), to ebb away, die’, M.Ir. sithlaim, ʃiəl̥αn, ‘strainer’, Di. siothlán, we have a case of iə < i꞉ by lengthening before th.

§ 165. In a few cases iə arises by contraction of two vowels due to the quiescence of dh, gh, e.g. driən, ‘blackthorn’, O.Ir. draigen; kliə, ‘fence’, Di. claidhe, M.Ir. claide infin. of claidim (for the meaning cp. Engl. ‘dyke’); Nʹiən, ‘daughter’ (§ 122); Lʹiə, ‘to lick’, Di. lighe. In a secondary syllable—bʹi꞉wiəNtə, ‘roguish’ < bʹi꞉wi꞉, Meyer bibdaide.

In all these cases as soon as iə comes to stand before a palatal consonant, it passes into i꞉, thus Nʹiən, gen. sing. Nʹi꞉nʹə, dat. sing. Nʹi꞉nʹ; fʹiər, ‘true’, but fʹi꞉rʹ wα̃iç, ‘very good’ (§ 285).

§ 166. With some speakers ɛə tends to become iə as in ʃkʹiəl, ‘story’, bʹrʹiə, ‘fine’. This change which is characteristic of ​many Scotch dialects (ZCP. iv 92 ff.), occurs in other parts of Ulster. For Monaghan see G. J. 1896 p. 146 col. 1. iə is regular in kʹiəNə, ‘same’, O.Ir. cétne and must have existed in the case of çïd, ‘first’ (§ 105). Occasionally we find iα for iə, as in uəfʹiαLtə, ‘wild-looking’, Di. uaith-bhéalta, cp. M.Ir. oibéla; fʹiαχ beside fʹiəx imper. of fʹiαχælʹ, ‘to try’, M.Ir. féchaim, cp. § 13.

14. iu.

§ 167. In a very few cases i is followed by ũw arising from O.Ir. m but iũw only forms one syllable, e.g. gʹrʹiũw, ‘deed’, O.Ir. gním; ʃNʹiũw, ‘to spin’, M.Ir. sním. The substantive formed from dʹi꞉wĩ꞉nʹ, ‘single, unmarried’, is dʹiũ(꞉)nʹəs, M.Ir. dímain.

15. yə.

§ 168. yə appears instead of uə in a few words which begin with f. This is more particularly the case when the initial disappears by aspiration, e.g. tα꞉ n çeʃtʹ dælʹi꞉ yəskluw, ‘the question is hard to answer’; fwyər, ‘cold’ (§ 66). Further in parts of the verb for ‘to sew’, infin. fwyαl, Di. fuagháil, pres. fwəjəm, Wi. fúagaim, pret. dyəi, Nʹi꞉rʹ yəi, imperf. pass. dyətʹi꞉, condit. pass. dyɛifʹi꞉. Similarly in fwyə, ‘hatred’; dyəgirʹ mʹə, pret. of fuəgruw, ‘to announce’.

16. əu.

§ 169. I have only heard this diphthong in fəutαχ, ‘not right’, cp. Cl. S. 20 viii ’04 p. 6 col. 1, Di. fabhtach; məuwlə, compar. of məwilʹ, ‘quiet’, Di. modhamhail.

17. ə⅄.

§ 170. This most peculiar diphthong occurs in a few monosyllables ending in ‑eadh, ‑eagh and in one or two other words. The diphthong is always clipped and there is generally a suspicion of a a glide at the finish. For a long time I was at a loss to analyse the sounds, more especially as there is always an alternative pronunciation with ïg (§ 106) and ə⅄ is confined to the oldest people. The sound occurs in ʃLʹə⅄, ‘spear’, M.Ir. sleg; fʹə⅄, ‘fathom’, Di. feadh, O.Ir. ed; fʹə⅄, fʹïg, ‘rush’, Di. fiag; ʃə⅄ according to J. H. is a Rosses pronunciation of ʃα, O.Ir. is ed. Further in ə⅄ri꞉m, ïꬶəri꞉m, ‘I adore’, Spir. Rose p. 6 ​aoghraigh muid, O.Ir. adraim; fʹə⅄riαχt, fʹïꬶəriαχt, ‘countenance, face’, cp. Di. fíoghruighim; fʹə⅄ri꞉, proper name ‘Fewry’; rə⅄ræʃtʹə, rïgræʃtʹə, ‘arrears’, Di. riaraiste; tʹrʹə⅄ꬶαuwnαχ, tʹrʹeꬶαuwnαχ, ‘furry-farry, cow going 2 years without calving’, spelt trao-ghamhanach ZCP. iv 258. J. H. has ə⅄əm as an old form of əgəm but the latter is the one he generally uses. It is well known that Glencolumbkille substitutes əi in this and other words, whilst from an old man in the Croaghs I have once heard αuəm.

18. əi.

§ 171. This diphthong has probably the same sound as Henebry’s î (p. 7) which arises under similar conditions. In stressed syllables it commonly represents O.Ir. accented a followed by palatal g (Mod.Ir. gh). Examples—əi (ö̤i), ‘face’, O.Ir. aged (αiə may also be heard from younger people); ku꞉gʹi꞉ ləiən, ‘Leinster’, M.Ir. coiced Laigen; mwəidʹən, ‘Virgin’, maighden (Four Masters); səidʹu꞉rʹ, ‘soldier’, M.Ir. saigdeoir; səinʹænʹ, ‘aurora borealis’, M.Ir. saignén, cp. Henebry p. 33.

əi occurs further in several cases representing ai, oi, ei usually before O.Ir. d, g (Mod.Ir. dh, gh) which are now quiescent. əi, ‘liver of fish roasted to obtain oil’, plur. əjə, Meyer áe, O.Ir. óa; αvrʹəi, αvrʹəitʹαχ, ‘rough (of land), cross-tempered’, M.Ir. amréid; ərəirʹ, ‘last night’, M.Ir. irráir; bwæNʹtʹrʹəi, gen. sing. of bwæNʹtʹrʹαχ, ‘widow’; fwəidʹə, ‘patience’, fwəidʹαχ, ‘patient’, O.Ir. foditiu; səihαχ, ‘vessel’, M.Ir. soithech; bʹαlαχ fʹəi, ‘Ballybofey’ = bealach féich, also ə Nʹəiç = an eich, gen. sing. of O.Ir. ech; fαdəi, imper. of fαdɔ꞉, ‘to blaze up, kindle’, Di. faduighim, fadóghadh, M.Ir. atúd, fatód, past part. fαdəiʃtʹə (fαdɔiʃtʹə); fαstəi (‑αi, ‑ɔi), past part. of Di. fasdóghadh, M.Ir. astud, fastud. əi may also be heard in bʹəi for bʹei = béidh (this is the pausa form in replies, the allegro form is commonly bʹɛ).

(e) Nasal Vowels.

§ 172. In Donegal any vowel sound is liable to be nasalised in the vicinity of a nasal but there are various degrees. The speech of the older people is altogether somewhat nasal in character and it is therefore not always easy to be certain whether a vowel is nasalised or not. The younger people on the other hand seem to be giving up nasalisation entirely, a state of affairs which according to Pedersen also exists on Aran ​(p. 17). A vowel immediately preceding or following an m or n sound is generally nasalised (denoted by writing ˜ over the vowel), e.g. kũ꞉nũw, ‘assistance’, M.Ir. congnam; mw⅄̃꞉, ‘pliable’, O.Ir. móith; mʹjõ꞉r, ‘mind’, O.Ir. mebuir. A few words with vocalic initial are nasalised from being used with the article (Pedersen p. 65), thus ĩ꞉çə, ‘night’; α̃꞉iç i꞉lʹ, ‘lime-kiln’. According to J. H. α̃꞉, ‘ford’, M.Ir. áth, is distinguished from α꞉, ‘luck’, M.Ir. ág, by nasalisation. Similarly Nʹĩ꞉ hẽ꞉ = ní h‑é. It should however be observed that, although in this book we write the mark of nasalisation over the vowel, the nasalisation is inherent in the n, m. Thus if we take the word dõ꞉nαχ, ‘Sunday’, O.Ir. domnach, and divide it into syllables, we get do꞉-ñαχ, not dõ꞉-nαχ, i.e. there is not a trace of nasalisation until the n starts, but when the syllables are pronounced together the velum is lowered during the pronunciation of the preceding vowel, thus anticipating the nasal. A v or w arising from aspirated m is commonly nasalised in a stressed syllable but more rarely in other positions. The ˜ of Mod.Ir. mh is however more frequently preserved when the w, v are post-vocalic. When mh is initial the nasalisation is only regular when h or ç follows the vowel. Examples—α̃uwrəs, ‘doubt’, O.Ir. amiress; α̃uw̥, ‘insipid’, M.Ir. om; α vĩkʹ, ‘O son’; α wα̃hærʹ, ‘his mother’; gən wα̃iç, ‘without profit, useless’; dα̃꞉v, ‘fondness’, Di. dáimh; əNə rõ꞉və, ‘to Rome’, M.Ir. Róim (acc.); mαhũw, ‘to forgive’, O.Ir. mathem; kα̃hũw, ‘to spend, throw’, M.Ir. caithem (in this verb the nasalisation which is only correct in the infinitive has been extended to the other forms, e.g. imper. kα̃iç); dʹa꞉nũw, ‘to do’, on account of the n but ʃαsuw, ‘to stand’, M.Ir. sessom; α꞉rʹuw, ‘number’, O.Ir. áram. The prefix kõ꞉‑, kũ꞉‑, O.Ir. com‑, cum‑, is generally nasalised but the connection has been forgotten in kɔr̥əm, ‘even, level’, M.Ir. comthromm; kɔsu꞉lʹ, ‘similar’, O.Ir. cosmail. The suffixes ‑u꞉r < ‑mar, ‑u꞉lʹ < ‑mail, ‑email are only nasalised if there is another nasal in the word. In a number of forms where the cause of the nasalisation has entirely disappeared ˜ is still retained, e.g. α̃꞉liʃ, ‘milk and water’, Meyer anglas (englas); dα̃iən, ‘firm’, O.Ir. daingen; dũ꞉i꞉, ‘rabbit-warren’, M.Ir. duma; klũw, ‘down’, M.Ir. clúm; kũ꞉i꞉, ‘sorrow, grief, Meyer cuma; kʹũ꞉s, ‘edge’, M.Ir. cimas; wĩ꞉, ‘mane’, M.Ir. muing (dat., the pausa form has been entirely forgotten); kũ꞉gəʃ, plur. kũ꞉gəʃi꞉, ‘remedy, medicine’, Di. coguisidhe, Macleod has cungaidh leighis under ‘medicine’, ‘remedy’, Macbain cungaidh, cungaisidh, Ir. cunghas, cungnaighim, cungnamh; Nʹi꞉s ​kũ꞉gʹə, compar. of kũ꞉N, ‘narrow’, O.Ir. cumung, kũ꞉glαχ, ‘strait of the sea’, Di. cumhanglach for cumhangrach, Macleod cunglach. Here we may mention the cases where n has become r̃, e.g. grĩ꞉, ‘good looks’, Di. gnaoi; grẽ꞉hə, ‘business’, Di. gnó; krõ꞉, ‘nut’, O.Ir. cnú. On the other hand several words such as kʹrʹαdi꞉, ‘to pant, groan’, Meyer cnetaigim and kʹrʹαsuw, ‘to heal’, Meyer cnessaigim, have given up the nasal. drũ꞉ʃ, ‘lechery’, Atk. drúis, doubtless owes its ˜ to some word like gnúis. The nasal in this word seems to be general, cp. O’Donovan, Grammar p. 37, Pedersen p. 66. But whence the nasal in klə͠ıəv, klɛ͠ıəv, ‘sword’, O.Ir. claideb? For sõ꞉ruw, ‘to observe’, Craig somhrughadh, beside the more frequent so꞉nṟuw and other cases of loss of nasal see § 443.

1. ↑ Strictly speaking this is a mixed vowel but it will be convenient to treat it with the back vowels.
2. ↑ The short vowel is however often heard in a number of the cases.
3. ↑ Cp. the verse—

   tʹrʹi꞉ wö̤꞉r sα(꞉)iç ə skαdænʹ,
   tʹrʹi꞉ skαdænʹ sα(꞉)iç ə wrαdænʹ,
   tʹrʹi꞉ brαdænʹ sα(꞉)iç ə ro꞉nʹ,
   tʹrʹi꞉ ro꞉Nti꞉ sα(꞉)iç Nə mwikʹə mαrə,
   tʹrʹi꞉ mo̤kə mαrə sα(꞉)iç ə vi꞉lʹ wo꞉rʹ,
   tʹrʹi꞉ mʹiəLtə mo꞉rə sα(꞉)iç ə χrαgαdænʹ χro꞉nʹ (the great Krakenn).

4. ↑ Strictly speaking ï should be treated with o̤ and ə under mixed vowels, but it will be most convenient to deal with it in connection with the front vowels.
5. ↑ αli꞉nʹ, ‘art’, M.Ir. elathain, eladain (dat.), has arisen by way of αləꬶinʹ > αləinʹ.
6. ↑ What is the reason for the aspiration in the phrase χUi ʃɛ lʹɛ hinʹi, ‘it took fire’?

1. ↑ For “begins” read “ends in” (see correction on p. x).