Hispanic and Latino Americans in politics: Difference between revisions - Wikipedia

Article Images

Line 1:

[[Latino Americans]] have received a growing share of the national vote in the [[United States]] due to their increasing population. As of the 2020 U.S. Census, 62.1 million Latinos live in the United States, representing 18.9% of the total U.S. population.<ref name="Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans">{{cite web |title=Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans |url=https://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/omh/browse.aspx?lvl=3&lvlid=64}}</ref> This is a 23% increase since 2010.<ref>{{Cite web |title=2020 Census Illuminates Racial and Ethnic Composition of the Country |url=https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2021/08/improved-race-ethnicity-measures-reveal-united-states-population-much-more-multiracial.html |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Census.gov}}</ref> This racial/ethnic group is the second largest after non-Hispanic whites in the U.S. In 2020, the states with the highest Hispanic or Latino populations were; Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Texas.<ref name="Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans" /> According to the Brookings Institution, Latinos will become the nation's largest minority by 2045 and the deciding population in future elections.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Frey |first=William H. |date=2018-03-14 |title=The US will become 'minority white' in 2045, Census projects |url=https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2018/03/14/the-us-will-become-minority-white-in-2045-census-projects/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Brookings |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Latinos Prove Decisive In Critical 2022 Midterms|website=MALDEF |url=https://www.maldef.org/2022/11/latinos-prove-decisive-in-critical-2022-midterms/ |access-date=2023-04-05 |language=en-US}}</ref> With the help of laws and court case wins, Latinos have been able to receive the help needed to participate in American Politics. According to data provided by The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), 72% of Latinos believe that it is very/somewhat important to get their voice heard by voting.<ref name="Latino Politics in America: Communi">{{cite book|title=Latino Politics in America: Community, Culture, and Interests |chapter=Chapter 6 Latino Political Participation |author1=Garcia, John A. |author2=Gabriel Ramon Sanchez}}</ref> They have traditionally been a key [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] constituency,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/americas/2000/us_elections/hispanic_vote/1003642.stm |title=The Latino challenge |access-date=2008-05-16 |last=Munoz Jr |first=Carlos |date=2 November 2000 |publisher=[[BBC]] Website}}</ref> but more recently<ref>Shepard, Steven (October 30, 2021). [https://www.politico.com/news/2021/10/30/key-groups-glenn-youngkin-virginia-517777 The 5 key groups fueling Youngkin’s rise]. ''Politico''. Retrieved November 5, 2021.</ref> have begun to split<ref>{{cite web |url= https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/28/us/politics/border-grievance-politics.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article|title=How Immigration Politics Drives Some Hispanic Voters to the G.O.P. in Texas |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Medina |first=Jennifer |date=1 March 2022 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]]}}</ref> between the Democratic and [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]].<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/18/opinion/democratic-party-latino-voters.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article |title=Latino Voters Are Key to 2024, and They're Not Always Buying What Democrats Are Selling |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Cadava |first=Geraldo |date=18 January 2022 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/campaign/3270602-hispanics-are-abandoning-biden-in-droves-heres-why/ |title=Hispanics are abandoning Biden in droves. Here's why |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Concha |first=Joe |date=17 April 2022 |newspaper=[[The Hill (newspaper)|The Hill]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/campaign/3471496-minorities-are-finding-a-new-political-home-with-the-republican-party/ |title=Minorities are finding a new political home with the Republican Party |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=McDaniel |first=Ronna |date=29 April 2022 |newspaper=[[The Hill (newspaper)|The Hill]]}}</ref> Since the Latino population is large and diverse, a lot of political differences exist between gender, national origin, and generational groups.

== History ==

[[Latino Americans]] have received a growing share of the national vote in the [[United States]] due to their increasing population. As of the 2020 U.S. Census, 62.1 million Latinos live in the United States, representing 18.9% of the total U.S. population.<ref>{{cite web |title=Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans |url=https://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/omh/browse.aspx?lvl=3&lvlid=64 |website=https://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/}}</ref> This is a 23% increase since 2010.<ref>{{Cite web |title=2020 Census Illuminates Racial and Ethnic Composition of the Country |url=https://www.census.gov/library/stories/2021/08/improved-race-ethnicity-measures-reveal-united-states-population-much-more-multiracial.html |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Census.gov}}</ref> This racial/ethnic group is the second largest after non-Hispanic whites in the U.S. In 2020, the states with the highest Hispanic or Latino populations were; Arizona, California, Florida, Illinois, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, and Texas.<ref>{{cite web |title=Profile: Hispanic/Latino Americans |url=https://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/omh/browse.aspx?lvl=3&lvlid=64 |website=https://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/}}</ref> Latinos have continued to migrate to other Southern states, due to the ongoing economic crisis in Mexico, labor recruitment, and smuggling.<ref>Raymond A. Mohl, "Globalization, Latinization, and the Nuevo New South." ''Journal of American Ethnic History'' (2003) 22#4: 31-66. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/27501348 online]</ref><ref>Jaycie Vos, et al. "Voices from the Southern Oral History Program: New Roots/Nuevas Raíces: Stories from Carolina del Norte." ''Southern Cultures'' 22.4 (2016): 31-49 [https://www.jstor.org/stable/26221809 online].</ref> According to the Brookings Institute, Latinos will become the nations largest minority by 2045 and the deciding population in future elections.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Frey |first=William H. |date=2018-03-14 |title=The US will become 'minority white' in 2045, Census projects |url=https://www.brookings.edu/blog/the-avenue/2018/03/14/the-us-will-become-minority-white-in-2045-census-projects/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Brookings |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Nov 10 |last2=Releases |first2=2022 {{!}} News |last3=Rights |first3=Public Policy: Voting |title=Latinos Prove Decisive In Critical 2022 Midterms {{!}} MALDEF |url=https://www.maldef.org/2022/11/latinos-prove-decisive-in-critical-2022-midterms/ |access-date=2023-04-05 |language=en-US}}</ref> With the help of laws and court case wins, Latinos have been able to receive the help needed to participate in American Politics. According to data provided by The Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey (CMPS), 72% of Latinos believe that it is very/somewhat important to get their voice heard by voting. <ref>{{cite book|title=Latino Politics in America: Community, Culture, and Interests |chapter=Chapter 6 Latino Political Participation |authors=Garcia, John A. and Gabriel Ramon Sanchez, 2021}}</ref> They have traditionally been a key [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] constituency,<ref>{{cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/in_depth/americas/2000/us_elections/hispanic_vote/1003642.stm |title=The Latino challenge |access-date=2008-05-16 |last=Munoz Jr |first=Carlos |date=2 November 2000 |publisher=[[BBC]] Website}}</ref> but more recently have begun to split<ref>{{cite web |url= https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/28/us/politics/border-grievance-politics.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article|title=How Immigration Politics Drives Some Hispanic Voters to the G.O.P. in Texas |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Medina |first=Jennifer |date=1 March 2022 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]]}}</ref> between the Democratic and [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]].<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2022/01/18/opinion/democratic-party-latino-voters.html?action=click&module=RelatedLinks&pgtype=Article |title=Latino Voters Are Key to 2024, and They're Not Always Buying What Democrats Are Selling |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Cadava |first=Geraldo |date=18 January 2022 |newspaper=[[The New York Times]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/campaign/3270602-hispanics-are-abandoning-biden-in-droves-heres-why/ |title=Hispanics are abandoning Biden in droves. Here's why |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=Concha |first=Joe |date=17 April 2022 |newspaper=[[The Hill (newspaper)|The Hill]]}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=https://thehill.com/opinion/campaign/3471496-minorities-are-finding-a-new-political-home-with-the-republican-party/ |title=Minorities are finding a new political home with the Republican Party |access-date=2022-05-02 |last=McDaniel |first=Ronna |date=29 April 2022 |newspaper=[[The Hill (newspaper)|The Hill]]}}</ref> Since the Latino population is large and diverse, a lot of political differences exist between gender, national origin, and generational groups.

[[File:The_League_of_United_Latin_American_Citizens,_one_of_the_oldest_and_largest_Latino_organizations_in_the_United_States,_urges_immigrants_in_the_community_to_vote,_in_Des_Moines,_Iowa.jpg|thumb|The League of United Latin American Citizens, one of the oldest and largest Latino organizations in the United States, urges immigrants in the community to vote, in Des Moines, Iowa.]]

Contemporary Hispanic politics has roots in the 19th century when the American empire expanded to include Latin American and Caribbean populations. State efforts to incorporate and exclude Latino populations also played a role in shaping current Hispanic politics, as noted by scholars Guillermo (2017),<ref name="University of Illinois Press-2017">{{Cite journal |date=2017-09-21 |editor-last=Ibarra |editor-first=Guillermo |title=Americanism and Anti-Americanism of Mexican Immigrants in Los Angeles |journal=University of Illinois Press |volume=1 |doi=10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0030}}</ref> de la Garza & DeSipio<ref name="de la Garza-2019">{{Cite book |date=2019-04-09 |editor-last=de la Garza |editor-first=Rodolfo O. |editor2-last=DeSipio |editor2-first=Louis |title=From Rhetoric to Reality |doi=10.4324/9780429041402|isbn=9780429041402 |s2cid=150327412 }}</ref> (2019), and Montejano (1987).<ref name="Montejano-1987">{{Cite book |last=Montejano |first=David |date=1987-12-31 |title=Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836-1986 |publisher=Univ of TX + ORM |isbn=9780292747371 }}</ref> Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, individuals of Mexican American descent residing in the Southwest and Puerto Ricans from the 1880s to the 1950s were often referred to using various terms. Today, the label "Hispanic" has been applied in retrospect to describe these groups, though this usage represents a modern interpretation of historical events. However, recognizing that they faced similar types of political exclusion and neglect that set them apart from other immigrant and native populations during this time is both accurate and important in understanding shared experiences.<ref name="de la Garza-2019" /> Three historical circumstances and geographic realities can be highlighted, as they conflict somewhat with common understandings of the Hispanic communities' political past.<ref>{{Citation |title=Citizenship Revoked and the Realities of Displacement during World War II |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt183p99h.8 |work=Uprooting Community |pages=66–78 |access-date=2023-05-04 |publisher=University of Arizona Press|doi=10.2307/j.ctt183p99h.8 }}</ref> This gap between popular and scholarly understandings explains Congress's 1975 extension of the Voting Rights Act (VRA) to Latinos in 1975.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

== Disregarding Mexican American rights ==

~~== Legal Background ==~~

Mexican Americans became part of the United States society with treaty-based assurances of land and repatriation rights, but these guarantees were quickly disregarded, leading to the dispossession of thousands of acres of land and political exclusion that continues to affect the Hispanic community today.<ref name="de la Garza-2019" /> This disregard was rooted in racism, manifesting itself in various institutional policies, regulations, and laws designed to exclude Mexicans—impacting generations within Mexican American families by denying certain opportunities afforded by U.S. citizenship despite legally residing within U.S. borders.<ref name="EARLE-2014">{{Cite journal |last=EARLE |first=REBECCA |date=February 2014 |title=Jorge J. E. Gracia (ed.), Forging People: Race, Ethnicity, and Nationality in Hispanic American and Latino/a Thought (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2011), pp. xix+349, $30.00, pb. |journal=Journal of Latin American Studies |volume=46 |issue=1 |pages=191–192 |doi=10.1017/s0022216x13001636 |s2cid=145745435 |issn=0022-216X}}</ref> The Chicano Movement of the 1960s and 1970s played an important role in challenging this exclusion (Rosales 1999, pp. 34–35).<ref name="Rosales-1999">{{Cite book |last=Rosales |first=F. Arturo |date=1999-12-31 |title=¡Pobre Raza! |doi=10.7560/770942|isbn=9780292799356 }}</ref> It called for recognition of Mexican Americans as full citizens, as well as the promotion of bilingual education, an end to police brutality, and more representation in politics (Rosales 1999, p. 80).<ref name="Rosales-1999" /> Despite the gains made by the Chicano Movement, however, Mexican Americans still often face discrimination and political exclusion today (Guillermo 2017).<ref name="University of Illinois Press-2017" /> This history matters in the context of Latino politics because it highlights the long-standing exclusion of Latino Americans from the United States' political system, stemming from Mexican-American relations, and the struggle for representation and inclusion, which continues to this day.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

Before Latinos were allowed to vote, they faced a lot of voting discriminatory practices, especially in the Southwest region of the United States.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Coker |first=kathryn |date=2020-10-29 |title=Latino Voter Suppression: A Brief Look |url=https://rvalibrary.org/shelf-respect/elections/latino-voter-suppression-a-brief-look/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Richmond Public Library |language=en-US}}</ref> After the [[Civil war|Civil War]], many Southern states, adopted discriminatory voting practices against African Americans, but also for anyone that was non-white. According to the [https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/7-13-06ninaperales.pdf Mexican American Legal Defense] and Educational Fund, Texas laws prohibited Tejanos ( Texas residents that descended from Mexico), from speaking Spanish, organizing political demonstrations/protests or even from serving as election judges as early as 1845. By the 1900s poll taxes, and white primaries (only white people were allowed to participate in primaries), prohibited Mexican Americans from voting. It took several laws and court casess to remove voting barriers like this that prohibited Latinos from participating in U.S. politics.

== Limited representation and political exclusion ==

~~=== Voting Rights Act of 1965 ===~~

Southwest machine politics provided some representation for Mexican Americans in office (Montejano, 1987).<ref name="Montejano-1987" /><ref name="EARLE-2014" /> However, there was a false assumption that black/Latino needs were similar in 1975, ignoring the disproportionate violence faced by African Americans rather than Latinos—a rarely discussed reality (Guillermo 2017).<ref name="University of Illinois Press-2017" /> Similarly, Puerto Ricans faced periods of political exclusion and neglect due to New York City machine politics' decline since the mid-20th century<ref name="The Latino Threat-2020">{{Citation |title=1. The Latino Threat Narrative |date=2020-12-31 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780804786188-003 |work=The Latino Threat |pages=23–47 |access-date=2023-05-04 |publisher=Stanford University Press|doi=10.1515/9780804786188-003 |isbn=9780804786188 |s2cid=240830464 }}</ref> resulting in limited representation at different levels of government.<ref name="University of Texas Press-1997">{{Cite book |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/765771 |title=LBJ and Mexican Americans |date=1997 |publisher=University of Texas Press |doi=10.7560/765771 |isbn=978-0-292-76277-0}}</ref> The government's pursuit for economic gain has driven it to marginalize access points for certain groups seeking those same economic gains (Chavez 2011).<ref name="The Latino Threat-2020" /> Systemic discrimination can be seen through voting patterns between Latino/black populations which still existed as late as 2020,<ref name="Rosales-1999" /> highlighting an issue which must be addressed if the United States aims to decrease voter suppression tactics targeting minority groups.

The "[[Voting Rights Act of 1965]]" was signed into law by the 36th U. S. President, [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon B.Johnson]]. The act made it illegal for states, mostly Southern states, to keep discriminatory voting practices in place. This included literacy tests and polling taxes.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2021-10-06 |title=Voting Rights Act (1965) |url=https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/voting-rights-act |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=National Archives |language=en}}</ref> The law, most notably impacted African Americans as they were visibly disenfranchised from voting, but the act also helped remove barriers for Latino voters.

==== ~~Impacts~~Poor civic networks ====

During the 19th and early 20th centuries, Latino civic networks were poorer than Black communities' civic networks because only some Latino elites had access to electoral or partisan opportunities—mainly those who held offices in Texas and New Mexico—while Black individuals weren't allowed to participate electorally.<ref name="University of Texas Press-1997" /> Therefore, when third parties started gaining momentum among Hispanics, Hispanics/ Latinos couldn't capitalize on it due to their lack of resources.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Hanratty |first=Dennis M. |date=1988 |title=Church-State Relations in Mexico in the 1980s |journal=Thought |volume=63 |issue=3 |pages=207–223 |doi=10.5840/thought198863318 |issn=0040-6457}}</ref> These long lasting results are reflected in Latino politics today; Latino intersectionality varies greatly particularly economically as many immigrants are unable to access public funds such as welfare, [[TANF]], [[Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program|SNAP]], [[Medicaid]], etc. without proper documentation. Thus, it is essential{{Editorializing|date=May 2023}} to understand the barriers related to Latino civic engagement including: English proficiency, wage oppression, educational disparities, etc.<ref name="McConnaughy-2010">{{Cite journal |last1=McConnaughy |first1=Corrine M. |last2=White |first2=Ismail K. |last3=Leal |first3=David L. |last4=Casellas |first4=Jason P. |date=October 2010 |title=A Latino on the Ballot: Explaining Coethnic Voting Among Latinos and the Response of White Americans |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381610000629 |journal=The Journal of Politics |volume=72 |issue=4 |pages=1199–1211 |doi=10.1017/s0022381610000629 |issn=0022-3816}}</ref> Acknowledging the poor civic networks among Hispanics in the history of Latino and Hispanic politics is crucial to extend equitable opportunities, reduce poverty rates, and increase the number of electorates across all communities regardless of immigration status, income, wage gaps, race, educational attainment, etc.<ref name="Rosales-1999" />

By 1966, after the "Voting Rights Act of 1965" was passed, voting discriminatory practices were eliminated. However, the Latino community still faced language barriers to vote. As a result, the "[[Southwest Voter Registration Education Project|Southwest Voter Registration Education]]" project was started in 1974, becoming the first and largest non-partisan organization in the U.S. Founder [[William C. Velasquez|William C. Velazquez]], created the organization after realizing that language barriers remained for Latinos even after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed. Many Latino voters, including Puerto Ricans, were unable to cast their vote between the time the VRA of 1965 was passed and its revision in 1975.<ref name=":15">{{Cite web |title=A Brief History of Latino Voting Rights Since the 1960s |url=https://remezcla.com/features/culture/latino-voting-rights-1960s/ |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=Remezcla |language=en-US}}</ref>

== Legal background ==

~~=== Voting Rights Act of 1975 ===~~

Before Latinos were allowed to vote, they faced a lot of voting discriminatory practices, especially in the Southwest region of the United States.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Coker |first=kathryn |date=2020-10-29 |title=Latino Voter Suppression: A Brief Look |url=https://rvalibrary.org/shelf-respect/elections/latino-voter-suppression-a-brief-look/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Richmond Public Library |language=en-US}}</ref> After the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], many Southern states adopted discriminatory voting practices against African Americans, but also for anyone that was non-white. According to the [https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/7-13-06ninaperales.pdf Mexican American Legal Defense] and Educational Fund, Texas laws prohibited Tejanos ( Texas residents that descended from Mexico), from speaking Spanish, organizing political demonstrations/protests or even from serving as election judges as early as 1845. By the 1900s poll taxes, and white primaries (only white people were allowed to participate in primaries), prohibited Mexican Americans from voting. It took several laws and court cases to remove voting barriers like this that prohibited Latinos from participating in U.S. politics.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

In 1975, 38th U.S. president, [[Gerald Ford]], extended the VRA Act of 1965, to protect language minorities. Specifically, "[[Section 230|Section 203 Language of the Voting Rights Act]]" was added to the act. According to the Census, the new provision required certain states (those that have had discriminatory voting practices) to provide language assistance and translated voting materials (e.g., registration forms, ballots, instructions) to language minority groups, during elections. The language minority groups that were included under the provision were those that spoke Asian, American Indian, Alaska Native, or Spanish.<ref name=":3">{{Cite web |title=Section 203 Language Determinations |url=https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial-census/about/voting-rights/voting-rights-determination-file.html |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=Census.gov}}</ref> Additionally, these states would need the federal governments' [https://lawyerscommittee.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/06/LCCRUL-Sec5-flyer.pdf permission] to change their voting laws.

== Voting Rights Act of 1965 ==

~~'''States need to provide language assistance if:''' <ref name=":3" />~~

The [[Voting Rights Act of 1965]] was signed into law by the 36th U. S. President, [[Lyndon B. Johnson|Lyndon B.Johnson]]. The act made it illegal for states, mostly Southern states, to keep discriminatory voting practices in place. This included literacy tests and polling taxes.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2021-10-06 |title=Voting Rights Act (1965) |url=https://www.archives.gov/milestone-documents/voting-rights-act |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=National Archives |language=en}}</ref> The law primarily impacted African Americans as they were visibly disenfranchised from voting, but the act also helped remove barriers for Latino voters.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

* More than 5% of the voting age is not proficient in English

=== Impacts ===

By 1966, after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed, voting discriminatory practices were eliminated under the law. However, the Latino community still faced language barriers to vote. As a result, the [[Southwest Voter Registration Education Project]] was started in 1974, becoming the first and largest non-partisan organization in the U.S. Founder [[William C. Velasquez]], created the organization after realizing that language barriers remained for Latinos even after the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was passed. Many Latino voters, including Puerto Ricans, were unable to cast their vote between the time the VRA of 1965 was passed and its revision in 1975.<ref name="Remezcla">{{Cite web |title=A Brief History of Latino Voting Rights Since the 1960s |url=https://remezcla.com/features/culture/latino-voting-rights-1960s/ |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=Remezcla |language=en-US}}</ref>

== Voting Rights Act of 1975 ==

* More than 10,000 voting-age citizens are not proficient in English

In 1975, 38th U.S. president, [[Gerald Ford]], extended the VRA Act of 1965, to protect language minorities. Specifically, Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act was added to the act, which required certain states (those that have had discriminatory voting practices) to provide language assistance and translated voting materials (e.g., registration forms, ballots, instructions) to language minority groups, during elections. The language minority groups that were included under the provision were those that spoke Asian, American Indian, Alaska Native, or Spanish.<ref name="Census.gov">{{Cite web |title=Section 203 Language Determinations |url=https://www.census.gov/programs-surveys/decennial-census/about/voting-rights/voting-rights-determination-file.html |access-date=2023-03-06 |website=Census.gov}}</ref> Additionally, these states would need the federal governments permission to change their voting laws.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

States need to provide language assistance if more than 5% of the voting age is not proficient in English or more than 10,000 voting-age citizens are not proficient in English and the citizens that are limited English proficient have less than a 5th-grade education.<ref name="Census.gov" />

~~and~~

* [[File:Voting Rights Act - first page (hi-res).jpg|thumb|229x229px|First page of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, signed on August 6, 1965, by President Lyndon Johnson]]~~The citizens that are limited English proficient have less than a 5th-grade education~~

==== Impacts ====

Since the enactment of the [[Amendments to the Voting Rights Act of 1965|VRA of 1975]], the Latino voting block increased by 183%. According to the National Research Council (US) Panel on Hispanics and the United States, Latino officeholders increased in the 6 states (Arizona, California, Florida, New Mexico, New York, and Texas) with the largest Latino population. In 1973, there were only 1,280 Latino officeholders across these 6 states, by 2003, there were 4,130.<ref>DeSipio L. Latino Civic and Political Participation. In: National Research Council (US) Panel on Hispanics in the United States; Tienda M, Mitchell F, editors. Hispanics and the Future of America. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2006. 11. Available from: ~~<nowiki>~~https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/books/NBK19906/~~</nowiki>~~</ref> John A. Garcia, a political science researcher at the University of Michigan, explains that this increase in political representation is due to the fact that the VRA of 1975, helped create an comfortable environment for Hispanics and Latinos to run for office positions in the Southwestern part of the United States.<ref>Garcia, John A. "The Voting Rights Act and Hispanic Political Representation in the Southwest." Publius 16, no. 4 (1986): 49–66. ~~<nowiki>~~http://www.jstor.org/stable/3330158~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

In an additional study conducted by Political Scientists, Melissa Marschall and Amanda Rutherford, it was found that Section 203, led to increased Latino representation in political offices, and Latino voter participation. However, the authors found that federal oversight alongside Section 203, ensured that adequately trained bilingual poll workers were present and that voting materials were translated. Without federal monitoring, Section 203 is not as effective.<ref>Marschall, Melissa J., and Amanda Rutherford. "Voting Rights for Whom? Examining the Effects of the Voting Rights Act on Latino Political Incorporation." American Journal of Political Science 60, no. 3 (2016): 590–606. ~~<nowiki>~~http://www.jstor.org/stable/24877483~~</nowiki>~~. ~~Show less~~</ref>

In "Translating into Votes: The Electoral Impacts of Spanish-Language Ballots" by Daniel J. Hopkins, it was found that the VRA of 1975 significantly increased Latino voter participation in California. The provision eased Spanish speakers anxiousness at the polls and helped them vote down the ballot.<ref>Hopkins, Daniel J. "Translating into Votes: The Electoral Impacts of Spanish-Language Ballots." American Journal of Political Science 55, no. 4 (2011): 814–30. ~~<nowiki>~~http://www.jstor.org/stable/23025122~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> However other studies, have argued that language assistance is less of an indicator for voter turnout compared to age and education level.<ref>Rodolfo O. de la Garza; Louis DeSipio, "Save the Baby, Change the Bathwater, and Scrub the Tub: Latino Electoral Participation after Seventeen Years of Voting Rights Act Coverage ," Texas Law Review 71, no. 7 (June 1993): 1479-1540</ref>

==== Impacts in Texas ====

Texas was one of the states that had to abide by Section 203 of the VRA of 1975, due to its history of discriminatory voting practices. According to the Department of Justice, since 1982, Texas has had the highest number of voter change objections. Additionally, there were 54 instances when Texas changed its discriminatory voting law proposals after they knew they would get rejected by the Department of Justice. Section 203, stopped states like Texas from continuing their voter disenfranchisement.<ref>Nina Perales; Luis Figueroa; Criselda G. Rivas, "Voting Rights in Texas: 1982-2006," Southern California Review of Law and Social Justice 17, no. 2 (Spring 2008): 713-760</ref>

=== Aftermath ~~of the Voting Rights Act of 1975~~ ===

* '''1982:''' After Section 203 was set to expire, it was renewed again for seven more years<ref name="~~:15~~Remezcla"/>

* '''1992:''' After Section 203 was set to expire again, Rep. [[José E. Serrano|Jose E. Serrano]] (D-NY) introduced the Voting Rights Language Assistance Act, to extend the bill for 15 years, instead of having to renew it every 7 years. Supporters for the bill argued that language assistance was necessary for newly naturalized citizens to be civically engaged, while opponents argued that the provision was costly, even suggesting removing it completely. After the political battle, the legislation was signed and passed by President [[George H. W. Bush]] on August 26, 1992.<ref name="~~:15~~Remezcla"/>

* '''2006:''' When the Voting Rights Language Assistance Act of 1992 was a year away from expiring, a new special provision was added and passed. It was called the '''"'''[[Amendments to the Voting Rights Act of 1965|Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, Cesar E. Chavez, Barbara Jordan, William Velazquez and Dr. Hector Garcia Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act]]".<ref name="~~:15~~Remezcla"/>

== Notable court cases ==

=== Hernandez v. Texas (1954) ===

In 1954, ~~[[Hernandez v. Texas|~~Pete Hernandez]] was charged with the murder of Joe Espinosa in [[Jackson County, Texas]]. Hernandez argued that the state had incorrectly indicted him, given that most of the jurors were white when Jackson county had a moderate-sized Hispanic population.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Jackson County, TX {{!}} Data USA |url=https://datausa.io/profile/geo/jackson-county-tx#:~:text=The%205%20largest%20ethnic%20groups,(Hispanic)%20(3.92%25). |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=datausa.io |language=en}}</ref> The court found in ''[[Hernandez v. Texas]]'' that 11% of Jackson County's population was over the age of 21 and had Spanish surnames, however in the last 25 years, no person with a Latin American name, had served on a jury. Because no Latino was chosen to serve on a jury among the 6,000 slots available in the last 25 years' worth of cases, the court stated it was a form of discrimination, whether it was or wasn't a conscious decision by Texas. This case has been marked by many legal scholars as the first supreme courts decision to explicitly acknowledge discrimination against Latinos.<ref name="~~:23~~Kevin R">Kevin R. Johnson, "Hernandez v. Texas: Legacies of Justice and Injustice," Chicano-Latino Law Review 25 (2005): 153-200</ref>

==== ~~Hernandez v. Texas (1953) impact~~Impact ====

According to legal scholars, this court case recognized Latinos as a separate race/ethnicity from the binary races (Anglo and African Americans). The case proved that Latinos are not White nor African American, they are a part of their own distinct group. This played an important role in identity politics for the future. Since the court cases decision, court administrators are required to pull jurors from across a [[Jury|community]]. As a result, diversity in juries has increased, including Latino jurors.<ref name="~~:23~~Kevin R"/>

=== Claudio Castaneda, Sheriff v. Rodrigo Partida (1977) ===

In 1977, Rodrigo Partida was convicted of burglary and with the intent to rape in [[Hidalgo County, Texas]]. After being indicted, Partida argued that he was unfairly convicted because Mexican-Americans were not represented in the jury. At the time, 79.2% of Hidalgos population had Mexican American surnames, but in Partidas' grand jury, only 40% were Mexican American. Texas argued that this was not evidence of discrimination, since Hidalgo county was run by a majority of Mexican Americans, at the time. The court found no evidence of discrimination, but Partida appealed this decision and the [[Fifth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals|Fifth U.S. Circuit Court]] reversed the original courts' decision. The Fifth U.S. Circuit Court was unable to rule out the possibility that Mexican Americans were being discriminated against even if they were the majority in Hidalgo County.<ref>{{Citation |title=Jones, Judge Marvin, (died 4 March 1976), Senior Judge, United States Court of Claims, since 1964, serving under assignment of Chief Justice of Supreme Court on US Courts of Appeal throughout the United States |date=2007-12-01 ~~|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ww/9780199540884.013.u156216~~ |work=Who Was Who ~~|access-date=2023-03-07~~ |publisher=Oxford University Press|doi=10.1093/ww/9780199540884.013.u156216 }}</ref>

=== LULAC v. Perry (2006) ===

In 2006, the [[League of United Latin American Citizens v.(LULAC) ~~Perry|~~[[League of United Latin American Citizens ~~(LULAC)]]~~v. Perry|filed a lawsuit]] against former Texas governor, [[Rick Perry]]. LULAC argued that the 2003 redistricting plan, which was controlled by Republicans, diluted Latinos' and African Americans' voting power, violating the Voting Rights Act of 1975. The court's decision favored Perry, which helped the Republican party win five congressional seats in Texas and ultimately gain control of Congress that following midterm election.<ref>{{Cite web |title=LULAC Gets Its Day In Court |url=https://lulac.org/news/pr/dayincourt/ |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=LULAC |language=en}}</ref>

=== Shelby v. Holder (2013) ===

Under the Voting Rights Act of 1975, 11 states with voter discrimination history (Alabama, California, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Virginia), were required to seek approval from the Department of Justice (a process called "preclearance") if they wanted to amend a policy.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2019-02-26 |title=Democrats push to regulate voting rules in 11 states under new Voting Rights Act |url=https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/democrats-push-to-regulate-voting-rules-in-11-states-under-new-voting-rights-act |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=Washington Examiner |language=en}}</ref> However, in 2013, this "preclearance" requirement was taken away in the ''[[Shelby County ~~v. Holder|Shelby~~ v. Holder]]'' case.<ref name="brennancenter.org">{{Cite web |title=Latino Communities on the Front Lines of Voter Suppression {{!}} Brennan Center for Justice |url=https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/latino-communities-front-lines-voter-suppression |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=www.brennancenter.org |language=en}}</ref>

==== ~~Shelby v. Holder (2013) impact~~Impact ====

In 2021, 19 states, including Florida, Arizona and Texas enacted 34 restrictive voting laws which negatively impacted Latino voters. For example, Texas State Legislature SB 1, makes it difficult for Spanish speakers to cast their vote, since they wont be able to receive language assistance. Additionally voters will be required to have a monthly citizenship check, 24 hour voting drive thrus are banned. Republicans have argued that this bill is necessary in order to stop voter fraud.<ref>Vincent Marinaccio, "Protecting Voters' Rights: The Aftermath of Shelby v Holder," Whittier Law Review 35, no. 3 (Spring 2014): 531-558</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Ura |first=Alexa |date=2021-09-07 |title=Gov. Greg Abbott signs Texas voting bill into law, overcoming Democratic quorum breaks |url=https://www.texastribune.org/2021/09/01/texas-voting-bill-greg-abbott/ |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=The Texas Tribune |language=en}}</ref>

[[File:John Lewis-2006 (cropped).jpg|thumb|184x184px|John Lewis Advancement Act was named after civil rights activist John Lewis]]

==== ~~Proposed Solution: The~~ John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2021 ====

In reaction to the ''Shelby v. Holder'' (2013) decision, the [[John Lewis Voting Rights Act|John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2021]] (VRAA) was proposed to restore the "preclearance" aspect of the Voting Rights Act of 1975. The Department of Justice would decide whether a voting law violates voters' rights. If so, states will be covered by preclearance for the following 10 years.<ref name="brennancenter.org"/>

''' States would be covered by preclearance if:'''

Line 71 ⟶ 78:

* Subdivisions in noncovered states have committed at least three voting rights violations in the past 25 years

On November 3, 2021, the VRAA failed to pass the [[United States Senate|Senate]].<ref>{{Cite web |last=Reimann |first=Nicholas |title=John Lewis Voting Rights Act Fails To Pass Senate |url=https://www.forbes.com/sites/nicholasreimann/2021/11/03/john-lewis-voting-rights-act-fails-to-pass-senate/ |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=Forbes |language=en}}</ref> It was proposed a second time on January 19, 2022, but it failed again.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Barrett |first=Clare Foran, Ali Zaslav, Ted |date=2022-01-19 |title=Senate Democrats suffer defeat on voting rights after vote to change rules fails |url=https://www.cnn.com/2022/01/19/politics/senate-voting-legislation-filibuster/index.html |access-date=2023-03-07 |website=CNN |language=en}}</ref>

== Presidential voting pattern ==

{{See also|Politics of the United States#Hispanic and Latino Americans}}

{{See also|Politics of the United States#Hispanic and Latino Americans}}Supermajority support for Democratic candidates is a pattern among Latino voters.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2016-10-11 |title=The Latino vote in the 2016 presidential election |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2016/10/11/the-latino-vote-in-the-2016-presidential-election/ |access-date=2020-05-03 |website=Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project |language=en-US}}</ref> In a 2021 Gallup poll, 56% of Latinos identified with the Democratic party, and 26% said they were Republicans.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-01-27 |title=Hispanic Americans' Party ID: Updated Analysis |url=https://news.gallup.com/opinion/polling-matters/389093/hispanic-americans-party-updated-analysis.aspx |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Gallup.com |language=en}}</ref> This Democratic support has been consistent throughout presidential elections.

Supermajority support for Democratic presidential candidates is a pattern among Latino voters.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2016-10-11 |title=The Latino vote in the 2016 presidential election |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2016/10/11/the-latino-vote-in-the-2016-presidential-election/ |access-date=2020-05-03 |website=Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project |language=en-US}}</ref> In a 2021 Gallup poll, 56% of Latinos identified with the Democratic party, and 26% said they were Republicans.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2022-01-27 |title=Hispanic Americans' Party ID: Updated Analysis |url=https://news.gallup.com/opinion/polling-matters/389093/hispanic-americans-party-updated-analysis.aspx |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Gallup.com |language=en}}</ref> This Democratic support has been consistent throughout presidential elections.

{| class="wikitable"

|+~~The~~ Latino ~~Vote~~vote in ~~Presidential~~presidential ~~Elections~~elections (1980-2020)

|'''Year'''

!Democratic ~~Candidate~~candidate

!Republican ~~Candidate~~candidate

|1980 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012">{{Cite web |last=Lopez |first=Mark Hugo |date=2012-11-07 |title=Latino Voters in the 2012 Election |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2012/11/07/latino-voters-in-the-2012-election/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project |language=en-US}}</ref>

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |Jimmy Carter, 56%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~Ronald Reagan, 35%~~'''~~

|1984 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |Walter Mondale, 61%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~Ronald Reagan, 37%~~'''~~

|1988 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" | Michael Dukakis, 69%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~George H.W. Bush, 30%~~'''~~

|1992 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" /> {{refn|Independent candidate [[Ross Perot]] received 14% of the vote.}}

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |~~'''~~Bill Clinton, 61%~~'''~~

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |George H.W. Bush, 25%

|1996 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |~~'''~~Bill Clinton, 72%~~'''~~

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |Bob Dole, 21%

|2000 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |Al Gore, 62%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~George W. Bush, 35%~~'''~~

|2004 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |John Kerry, 58%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~George W. Bush, 40%~~'''~~

|2008 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |~~'''~~Barack Obama, 67%~~'''~~

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |John McCain, 31%

|2012 <ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |~~'''~~Barack Obama, 71%~~'''~~

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |Mitt Romney, 27%

|2016 <ref name=":4AS/COA-2020">{{Cite web |title=Chart: How U.S. Latinos Voted in the 2020 Presidential Election |url=https://www.as-coa.org/articles/chart-how-us-latinos-voted-2020-presidential-election |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=AS/COA |date=5 November 2020 |language=en}}</ref>

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |Hillary Clinton, 65%

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |~~'''~~Donald Trump, 29%~~'''~~

|2020 <ref name=":4AS/COA-2020" />

| style="background:#d0e5f5;" |~~'''~~Joe Biden, 66%~~'''~~

| style="background:#FFE6E6;" |Donald Trump, 32%

== Political ideology ==

When Latinos first immigrate to the United States they do not immediately align themselves with a political party or ideology. According to Political Scientists, [[Lisa García Bedolla|Lisa Garcia Bedolla]] and Ramon Michael Alvarez, newly naturalized Latinos are independent, but as they become socialized into American politics, they begin to lean toward a political party.<ref>Alvarez, R. Michael, and Lisa García Bedolla. "The Foundations of Latino Voter Partisanship: Evidence from the 2000 Election." The Journal of Politics 65, no. 1 (2003): 31–49. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-2508.t01-1-00002~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Historically, Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans attach themselves to the Democratic Party where as ~~Cubans~~Cuban and ~~Puerto~~Venezuelan ~~Ricans~~Americans associate themselves with the Republican party. Studies have tried to explain why differences in political ideology exist within the Latino population, as national origin, gender, or even religion can create differences.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

=== Democratic support ===

Since 1984, the majority of Latinos have supported and identified with the Democratic Party. In every election since 1984, over 57% of Latinos have voted for Democratic presidential candidates. A study conducted by Political Scientists, [[Leonie Huddy]], Lilliana Mason, and S. Nechama Horwitz, explains why Latinos have historically preferred the Democratic Party over the Republican Party. They find that those who identify strongly with their Hispanic identity and believe that their ethnic group is discriminated against, end up strongly supporting the Democratic Party. This was observed heavily in the 2012 election when the Republican Party expressed an anti-Latino and anti-immigration attitude, which in turn motivated Latinos to support the party in opposition: the Democrats.<ref>Leonie Huddy, Lilliana Mason, and S. Nechama Horwitz. "Political Identity Convergence: On Being Latino, Becoming a Democrat, and Getting Active." RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2016): 205–28. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.11~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> The study also showed that Mexicans, Central Americans and Dominicans are more likely than Cubans to support the Democratic Party. An additional explanation for Latinos' support toward the Democratic Party is provided by Political Scientist, Angel Saavedra Cisneros, who argues that Latinos are Democratic because they are most interested on economic and [[Immigration to the United States|migration issues]], in which the party positively addresses.<ref>Saavedra Cisneros, Angel. "Correction to: Latino Identity and Political Attitudes." Latino Identity and Political Attitudes, 2019. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33969-6_10~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

=== Republican support ===

~~{{See also|Hispanic and Latino conservatism in the United States}}~~

[[File:Latinos for Trump 2016 RNC.jpg|thumb|Donald Trump 2016 presidential rally, with "Latinos for Trump" posters]]

{{See also|Hispanic and Latino conservatism in the United States}}

In recent years, multiple news outlets have published stories, that Latinos are shifting toward the Republican party given that they have usually outspent Democrats on trying to gain Latino Support.<ref>Subervi-Vélez, Federico. The Mass Media and Latino Politics: Studies of U.S. Media Content, Campaign Strategies and Survey Research, 1984–2004. New York: Routledge, 2008.</ref> [[Lionel Sosa]], an advertising executive, told [[Ronald Reagan]], "Latinos are Republican, they just dont know it yet". Whereas former Senate Democrat [[Harry Reid]], in 2010 said, "I don’t know how anyone of Hispanic heritage who could be a Republican. Do I need to say more?". Angel Saavedra Cisneros, a Political Scientist, published a book called, "Latino Republicans", to determine whether this is true.<ref>Saavedra Cisneros, Angel. "Latino Republicans." Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, 2018. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199913701-0131</nowiki>.</ref>

In recent years{{When|date=May 2023}}, multiple news outlets have published stories, that Latinos are shifting toward the Republican party given that they have usually outspent Democrats on trying to gain Latino Support.<ref>Subervi-Vélez, Federico. The Mass Media and Latino Politics: Studies of U.S. Media Content, Campaign Strategies and Survey Research, 1984–2004. New York: Routledge, 2008.</ref> [[Lionel Sosa]], an advertising executive, told [[Ronald Reagan]], "Latinos are Republican, they just dont know it yet". Whereas former Senate Democrat [[Harry Reid]], in 2010 said, "I don’t know how anyone of Hispanic heritage who could be a Republican. Do I need to say more?". Angel Saavedra Cisneros, a Political Scientist, published a book called, "Latino Republicans", to determine whether this is true.<ref>Saavedra Cisneros, Angel. "Latino Republicans." Oxford Bibliographies Online Datasets, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199913701-0131.</ref>

==== Religion and conservatism ====

According to the Pew Research Center, 77% of Latinos orare Christian.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Religious Landscape Study |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/religion/religious-landscape-study/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=Pew Research Center's Religion & Public Life Project |language=en-US}}</ref> A lot of Republicans, claim that Latinos' religiosity should make them support Republicans' conservative policy stances. Academics have tried to understand whether this is true. In a 2000 study, Political Scientist's, Sean M.Bolks, [[Diana Evans]], J.L. Polinard, and Robert D. Wrinkle, discovered that Latinos are opposed to abortions, like Republicans.<ref>Bolks, Sean, Diana Evans, Jerry L. Polinard, and Robert Wrinkle. "Core Beliefs and Abortion Attitudes: A Look at Latinos." Social Science Quarterly 81 (2000): 253–259.</ref> Political scientist, Marisa A. Abrajano, found that these conservative positions is what drew Latinos to vote for [[George W. Bush]] in the 2004, presidential election. This was the largest percentage of votes (40%) that the Republican party has ever received from Latinos during a presidential election.<ref ~~name=":32"~~>{{Cite web |last=Lopez |first=Mark Hugo |date=2012-11-07 |title=Latino Voters in the 2012 Election |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/hispanic/2012/11/07/latino-voters-in-the-2012-election/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Pew Research Center's Hispanic Trends Project |language=en-US}}</ref><ref>Abrajano, Marisa A., R. Michael Alvarez, and Jonathan Nagler. 2008. "The Hispanic Vote in the 2004 Presidential Election: Insecurity and Moral Concerns." ''The Journal of Politics'' 70 (2): 368–82. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022381608080365~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Other academics have just argued that Latinos liked George W. Bush as a candidate, rather than his party's ideological stances.<ref>de la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Jeronimo Cortina. "Are Latinos Republicans but Just Don’t Know It?" American Politics Research 35, no. 2 (2007): 202–23. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673x06294885~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Some Political scientist, like, Catherine E. Wilson, argue the opposite, that churches push Latinos towards the Democratic party.<ref>Wilson, Catherine E. The Politics of Latino Faith: Religion, Identity, and Urban Community. New York: New York University Press, 2008.</ref>

==== Gender and conservatism ====

Latino men have historically voted more Republican than Latinas since the ~~late1980s~~late 1980s.<ref>Welch, Susan, and Lee Sigelman. 1992. "A Gender Gap Among Hispanics? A Comparison With Blacks and Anglos." ''Western Political Quarterly'' 45 (1): 181–99. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1177/106591299204500113~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Christina Bejarano, a Political Scientist at [[Texas Woman's University]], found that Latino men tend to hold on to their conservative values when they migrate, whereas Latinas become ideologically liberal as generations pass.<ref>Bejarano, Christina E. "Latino Gender and Generation Gaps in Political Ideology." Politics ~~<nowiki>~~&~~</nowiki>~~amp; Gender 10, no. 01 (2014): 62–88. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x13000548~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> In 1988, researcher, [[Michael Jones-Correa|Jones Correa]], tried to find explanations for this phenomenon.<ref name=":9Jones">Jones-Correa, Michael. 1998. "Different Paths: Gender, Immigration and Political Participation." ''The International Migration Review'' 32 (2): 326–49. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.2307/2547186~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> He found that men experience downward mobility once they migrate to the United States, whereas women have upward mobility. Therefore, men try to hold on to their conservative values, to validate themselves and women try to become more independent.<ref name=":9Jones" /> Other studies have tried to explain this political gender gap as a result of moving from a traditional Latin American country to the egalitarian country of the United States.<ref>Bejarano, Christina E., Sylvia Manzano, and Celeste Montoya. 2011. "Tracking the Latino Gender Gap: Gender Attitudes across Sex, Borders, and Generations." ''Politics & Gender'' 7 (4): 521–49. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X11000341~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

==== Cubans and conservatism ====

[[File:Cubans for Trump at inauguration 16114898.jpg|thumb|Cubans for Trump rally]]

Historically, Cubans are one of the few Latino national origin groups that have consistently been strong supporters of the Republican party.<ref>Boswell, Thomas D. "Racial and Ethnic Segregation Patterns in Metropolitan Miami, Florida, 1980-1990." Southeastern Geographer 33, no. 1 (1993): 82–109. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1353/sgo.1993.0005~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> In the 2016 presidential election, over half of the Cuban population, voted for [[Donald Trump]].<ref>Krogstad, Jens Manuel, and Antonio Flores. "Unlike Other Latinos, about Half of Cuban Voters in Florida Backed Trump." Pew Research Center. Pew Research Center, August 27, 2020. ~~<nowiki>~~https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/11/15/unlike-other-latinos-about-half-of-cuban-voters-in-florida-backed-trump/~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Sociologist, [[Alejandro Portes]], and politician, Rafael Mozo, have tried to explain why Cubans do not vote for the Democratic Party. They find that Cubans support the Republican Party out of fear that Democrats will turn the United States into a communist country .<ref>Portes, Alejandro, and Rafael Mozo. "The Political Adaptation Process of Cubans and Other Ethnic Minorities in the United States: A Preliminary Analysis." International Migration Review 19, no. 1 (1985): 35. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.2307/2545655~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Other studies have argued that Cubans do not vote for Democrats because they do not experience immigration related issues, since they are able to apply for permanent residency, a year after arriving to the United States, through the [[Cuban Adjustment Act|Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966]].<ref>{{Cite web |title=Cuban Migration is Changing, the U.S. Must Take Note |url=https://www.wola.org/analysis/cuban-migration-is-changing-us-must-note/ |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=WOLA |language=en-US}}</ref>

==== Alternative perspectives ====

Other studies have tried to fully disprove that Latinos are becoming Republican. Eric Gonzalez Juenke, a Political Science researcher at [[Michigan State University]], found that most conservative Latinos are not citizens, therefore they ~~cant~~cannot vote and express their support to the Republican party through elections. Therefore, citizenship needs to be considered when interviewing Latinos about their political opinions, as this can be misleading information in upcoming elections.<ref>Gonzalez Juenke, Eric. "Viable Republicans or Fool's Gold? the Consequences of Confusing Latino Respondents with Latino Voters." Politics, Groups, and Identities 4, no. 4 (2015): 598–617. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2015.1050419~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

==== Abortion ====

Hispanics will most likely favor abortion rights in most scenarios. The Pew Research Center survey shares that over half (57%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022">{{Cite web |last=Nadeem |first=Reem |date=2022-09-29 |title=Most Latinos Say Democrats Care About Them and Work Hard for Their Vote, Far Fewer Say So of GOP |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/race-ethnicity/2022/09/29/most-latinos-say-democrats-care-about-them-and-work-hard-for-their-vote-far-fewer-say-so-of-gop/ |access-date=2023-05-04 |website=Pew Research Center Race & Ethnicity |language=en-US}}</ref> of the Hispanic and Latino population, to some extent, support the legalization of abortion. A majority of 69%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of Hispanic/Latino Democrats and Democratic-leaning individuals support this view, in comparison to Hispanic/Latino Republicans and Republican-leaning individuals who less than half (39%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> support abortion policies. To compare these statistics with the U.S. adult population, overall 62% of adults in the United States believe that abortion should be legal or at least some cases. Analyzing these numbers, its imperative to detail that 84%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of all U.S. Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters are supportive of the legality of abortion, making this number higher than the percentage of Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters who are supportive. On the other hand, about 60% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of Republicans and Republican-leaning individuals, including Hispanic Republicans, believe that abortion should be illegal in all or most cases.

==== Gun rights and policies ====

The majority of Hispanics and Latinos (73%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> believe that controlling gun ownership should be prioritized over Americans' rights to own guns. This opinion is even more popular among Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning Hispanic voters with 85% prioritizing gun control over the right to bear arms. This can be compared to Hispanic Republicans and Republican-leaning voters, with nearly half (45%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> supporting gun control over the right to own guns. In comparison, overall, a little over half the U.S. adult population (52%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> believes that controlling gun ownership should be the priority. The number significantly decreases with Republican Adults overall, with only 18% supporting stricter gun laws rather than the right to own guns. However, among Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters, both the majority of Democratic Hispanics (85%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> and Democratic U.S. adults overall (81%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> prioritize controlling gun ownership.

==== LGBTQ rights ====

[[File:DC_Latino_Caucus_-_DC_Capital_Pride_-_2014-06-07_(14376533332).jpg|alt=DC Capital Pride|thumb|'''Washington DC- Latino Pride''']]

Looking at support in the Latino community for LGBTQ rights, the topic of sex-same marriage is often a popular voting issue. according to a study by the Pew Research Center, While Identifying individuals who believing same sex marriage to neither be harmful or beneficial to society, the survey found approximately one-third of Hispanics <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> hold a neutral stance towards the legalization of same-sex marriage. On the other hand, only 37% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of Hispanic/Latino respondents expressed support for same-sex marriage, viewing it as a positive force for society. Further analyzing party ideology, Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters are more supportive of same-sex marriage compared to Latino Republicans and the Republican-leaning voting population, with 46%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of Democratic Latinos in support and less than half of Republicans, 21%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> saying they are supportive of same-sex marriage. Following this ideology, the statistics are flipped when viewing opposition towards same-sex marriage with almost half of Hispanic Republicans (41%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> being more likely than Hispanic Democrats (20%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> to hold a negative view and be opposed to same-sex marriage. Shifting the focus to the matter of transgender rights and promoting their social acceptance, a similar pattern is displayed.

=== Socialism vs capitalism ===

Latinos' views on socialism and capitalism have become a recently popular issue due to the vast amount of current immigrants from countries with socialist or communist governments either favoring or fearing socialist policies. According to a study by The Pew Research Center, nearly over half 53%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> of Hispanic/Latino adults have a negative opinion of socialism, while more than less than 41% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> hold a positive view. When examining feelings towards Capitalism, a majority of Hispanics have a favorable opinion of capitalism, with 54% holding a positive view compared to 41%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> holding a negative opinion. Intertwining party ideology, Hispanic individuals who identify as Republicans or lean towards the Republican party tend to favor capitalism, with 68% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> holding positive opinions. This percentage is higher than that among Hispanic Democrats and Democratic-leaning individuals, which stands at 50%.<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/>

==== Split views on Socialism ====

When looking specifically at Hispanic Democrats and those who lean towards the Democratic party, it is evident that there is a split in opinions regarding socialism. Approximately half, or 50%,<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> hold a favorable view, whereas the other half, or 48%,<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> hold an unfavorable view. However, Hispanic Republicans and Republican supporters tend to view socialism more unfavorably, with 72%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> having negative perceptions.

==== Age and views on socialism ====

The views on socialism among different groups vary. Young Americans, including Latinos aged 18 to 29, have almost an equal split between positive and negative opinions, with 46% holding positive views and 50% holding negative impressions.<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> However, Hispanic Republicans and Republican supporters tend to view socialism more unfavorably, with 72%<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> having negative perceptions. A notable percentage of individuals aged 65% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> and above, as well as those between the ages of 50% to 64%,<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> hold unfavorable views toward socialism. Likewise, Latinos aged 30% to 49% <ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> exhibit comparable tendencies in their perceptions of socialism. The Pew Research Center also discovered that Hispanics who place significant value on their Hispanic identity have varying opinions on socialism, with 47% holding favorable views and 48% expressing negative perspectives. However, those who consider their Hispanic identity less important tend to have a more negative view of socialism, with 62% expressing disapproval.<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/>

== Political interest and participation among Latinos ==

A study by Professor Maria E. Len-Ríos of the University of Georgia suggests that Latinos’ level of political interest is positively associated with their level of engagement.<ref name=":0Len-Ríos-2017">{{Cite journal |last=Len-Ríos |first=María E. |date=2017-03-01 |title=The politics of Latino publics: Immigration reform, political participation and intention to vote |url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0363811116303824 |journal=Public Relations Review |language=en |volume=43 |issue=1 |pages=249–257 |doi=10.1016/j.pubrev.2016.11.003 |issn=0363-8111}}</ref> Len-Ríos collected data from a national survey of 434 Latinos, 26.8% of whom said that they were interested in politics.<ref name=":0Len-Ríos-2017" /> Additionally, one in five people reported interacting with a campaign on social media; 6% had donated to a campaign before; and one in ten had sent an email to their elected representatives.<ref name=":0Len-Ríos-2017" /> The percentage of Latinos whom find it important to donate money to campaign issues, work together on community problems, and to attend protests on salient issues, is higher than those for their white ~~counter parts~~counterparts. Social media has also been used ~~prevelantly~~prevalently as a political tool for Latinos, especially Latino youth. Over 1/3 of the respondents to the CMPS survey use social media to discuss politics.<ref~~>{{cite~~ ~~book|title~~name="Latino Politics in America: ~~Community, Culture, and Interests |chapter=Chapter 6 Latino Political Participation |authors=Garcia, John A. and Gabriel Ramon Sanchez, 2021}}<~~Communi"/~~ref~~> Between the political interest and political participation variables there was a statistically significant correlation.<ref name=":0Len-Ríos-2017" /> In other words, individuals who were interested in politics were more involved in politics than people who were less interested.<ref name=":0Len-Ríos-2017" />

=== 2016 and 2020 presidential election ===

{{See also|2016 United States presidential election|2020 United States presidential election}}

In the 2020 presidential election, Latino turnout surpassed past voting records. The Pew Research Center found that 54% of registered Latino voters were motivated to vote in the election that year.<ref name=":1Krogstad">{{Cite web |last1=Krogstad |first1=Jens Manuel |last2=Lopez |first2=Mark Hugo |title=Latino voters' interest in presidential race is mixed, and about half are 'extremely motivated' to vote |url=https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2020/10/26/latino-voters-interest-in-presidential-race-is-mixed-and-about-half-are-extremely-motivated-to-vote/ |access-date=2022-03-31 |website=Pew Research Center |language=en-US}}</ref> By comparison, 69% of all U.S. registered voters said they were motivated to vote.<ref name=":1Krogstad" /> Half of eligible Latinos (53.7%) ended up voting that year.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Over half of eligible Latinos voted in 2020 — a historic first |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/half-eligible-latinos-voted-2020-historic-first-rcna899 |access-date=2023-03-09 |website=NBC News |date=12 May 2021 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Over half of eligible Latinos voted in 2020 — a historic first |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/half-eligible-latinos-voted-2020-historic-first-rcna899 |access-date=2022-03-31 |website=NBC News |date=12 May 2021 |language=en}}</ref> This increased mobilization in 2016 and 2020 has been explained by various studies as a result of Donald Trumps' xenophobic attitude and targets toward the Latino population.<ref>Ocampo, Angela X., Sergio I. Garcia-Rios, and Angela E. Gutierrez. "Háblame De TÍ: Latino Mobilization, Group Dynamics and Issue Prioritization in the 2020 Election." The Forum 18, no. 4 (2021): 531–58. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2110~~</nowiki>~~</ref><ref>Gutierrez, Angela, Angela X. Ocampo, Matt A. Barreto, and Gary Segura. "Somos Más: How Racial Threat and Anger Mobilized Latino Voters in the Trump Era." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 4 (2019): 960–75. ~~<nowiki>~~http://www.jstor.org/stable/45223014~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> His anti-immigration rhetoric emotionally angered Latinos, which created a pan-ethnic solidarity movement amongst them, driving them to the polls to vote against Trump during both elections.<ref>Gutierrez, Angela, Angela X. Ocampo, Matt A. Barreto, and Gary Segura. 2019. "Somos Más: How Racial Threat and Anger Mobilized Latino Voters in the Trump Era." Political Research Quarterly 72(4): 960–75.</ref> However, expectations about ethnic solidarity notwithstanding, Latino support for Donald Trump in fact grew between the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections.<ref>{{Cite web |title=More Latino Voters Support Trump in 2020 than 2016, But Young Americans Favor Biden, Early CNN Exit Polls Show |url=https://edition.cnn.com/2020/11/03/politics/exit-polls-2020/index.html |access-date=2024-01-08 |website=CNN |date=4 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref> Latinos showed considerably more variance in voting behavior than what would be expected given accounts focused mainly on their ethnic solidarity. A 2024 study proposes a counterintuitive explanation for this trend: due to the activation of dormant political dispositions, it is the very anti-immigration attitudes characterizing Trump that account for his ascendence among Latino voters. In other words, Latinos voting for Trump did so because of his anti-immigration positions and not despite those positions.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Sommer |first1=Udi |last2=Franco |first2=Idan |title=Solidarity in question: activation of dormant political dispositions and Latino support for Trump in 2020 |journal=European Political Science Review |date=5 January 2024 |pages=1–27 |doi=10.1017/S1755773923000371 |language=en |issn=1755-7739|doi-access=free }}{{Creative Commons text attribution notice|cc=by4|from this source=yes}}</ref>

=== ~~Churches~~Church role in political engagement ===

Researchers have tried to determine whether church attendance increases Latinos participation in American Politics. In study conducted by researchers, Sarah Allen Gershon, Adrian D. Pantoja and J.Benjamin Taylor, they found that church attendance does correlate to civic engagement, however other factors such as generational status, economic status and employment can influence this. Given that younger generations of Latinos attend church at a lesser rate than older generations, demographic factors will determine whether they are politically engaged or not.<ref>Gershon, Sarah Allen, Adrian D. Pantoja, and J. Benjamin Taylor. "God in the Barrio?: The Determinants of Religiosity and Civic Engagement among Latinos in the United States." Politics and Religion 9, no. 1 (2016): 84–110. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.1017/s175504831600002x~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

== Lack of representation ==

Given the dearth of Latino legislators, it is imperative{{Editorializing|date=May 2023}} to examine the impediments that obstruct the proper representation of Latinos in politics. Numerous of these are structural and demographic hindrances that prevent Latinos from getting equitable representation in government.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009">{{Cite journal |last=CASELLAS |first=JASON P. |date=August 2009 |title=The Institutional and Demographic Determinants of Latino Representation |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298009788897781 |journal=Legislative Studies Quarterly |volume=34 |issue=3 |pages=399–426 |doi=10.3162/036298009788897781 |issn=0362-9805}}</ref>

The absence of resources available to Latino candidates, compared to their non-Latino competitors, is a significant impediment in filling the gap of Latinos in politics.<ref name="McConnaughy-2010"/> This shortage affects the potential for Latino hopefuls to run successful campaigns and compete with other contenders.<ref>{{Citation |title=Black Like Who? Afro-Caribbean Immigrants, African Americans, and the Politics of Group Identity |date=2006-04-24 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511606694.007 |work=Afro-Caribbean Immigrants and the Politics of Incorporation |pages=170–202 |access-date=2023-05-04 |publisher=Cambridge University Press|doi=10.1017/cbo9780511606694.007 |isbn=9780521859226 }}</ref> Furthermore, gerrymandering and redistricting often weaken Latino votes—granting them less representation than they are entitled to have.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

Latino candidates are often met with hesitation due to their lack of name recognition; without a notable record in public service, it's difficult for Latinos to win the trust and financial support of voters. This obstacle has been further complicated by the Trump Administration's strict immigration policies, discouraging many immigrants from participating in politics.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009"/>

The paucity of Latinos in the political process is a consequence not only of social barriers, but also of structural impediments that hinder access to education, wealth and resources. Native individuals are traditionally underrepresented in higher learning establishments which results in their inability to be competitive candidates as they lack educational backgrounds.<ref name="McConnaughy-2010"/> Additionally, continued economic disparities experienced by Latino communities make it difficult for them to fundraise or build assistance necessary for campaigning.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

Multiple demographic hurdles, including language obstacles and voter registration impediments, often render Latinos underrepresented in the political process.<ref name="A.">{{Cite book |last=A. |first=Valenzuela, Ali |url=http://worldcat.org/oclc/1305486515 |title=Turnout, Status, and Identity Mobilizing Latinos to Vote with Group Appeals. |oclc=1305486515}}</ref> Moreover, district lines are frequently drawn to favor non-Latino populations which only further curtails Latino engagement with candidates and understanding of critical matters. Consequently, immigration status can be a roadblock for many Latinos who just want to have their voice heard through voting at election time.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009"/>

Despite these issues, some institutional factors can help increase Latino representation. For example, legislative term limits can give more people a chance to run for office, thereby enhancing diversity in government representation.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009"/> Furthermore, rising Latino-led interest groups have helped Latinos have a stronger political voice and advocate for their communities' policies.<ref name="McConnaughy-2010"/> Additionally, there has been an increase in Latino-based organizations that help build the skills necessary to run for office and provide resources to those who do.<ref name="A." />

== Media and Latino politics ==

Line 171 ⟶ 212:

=== Media ===

In a study conducted by Political Scientists, Sergio I. Garcia-Rios and [[Matt A. Barreto]], it was found that [[Univision]] and other Spanish language news outlets, created a pan ethnic identity amongst Latinos, which motivated them to vote in a historically large number in the [[2012 presidential election]].<ref name=":8Sergio I">Sergio I. Garcia-Rios, and Matt A. Barreto. "Politicized Immigrant Identity, Spanish-Language Media, and Political Mobilization in 2012." RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 2, no. 3 (2016): 78–96. ~~<nowiki>~~https://doi.org/10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.05~~</nowiki>~~.</ref> Since immigration was a main debate topic during election season, Latinos were reminded of their immigrant identity even as U.S. citizens. Spanish news media influencers, such as [[Jorge Ramos (news anchor)|Jorge Ramos]], [[María Elena Salinas|Maria Elena Salinas]], and Pilar Marero, made frequent announcements to the Latino community, reporting the immigration issues that were at stake if they didn't vote. In culmination, these factors motivated Latinos to vote.<ref name=":8Sergio I" />

In another study, Swiss academic, [[Felix Oberholzer-Gee]] and American economist, [[Joel Waldfogel]], tried to find whether general Spanish language television networks increase Latino voter turnout. Their results were significant, indicating that the presence of Spanish language television networks like Univision, can increase civic engagement among Latinos.<ref>Oberholzer-Gee, Felix, and Joel Waldfogel. "Media Markets and Localism: Does Local News En Español Boost Hispanic Voter Turnout?" American Economic Review. Accessed February 12, 2023. ~~<nowiki>~~https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257%2Faer.99.5.2120~~</nowiki>~~.</ref>

=== Univision voter registration campaigns ===

~~{{See also|Univision}}~~

[[File:Logo Univision 2019.svg|thumb|Univision, Spanish television network, logo]]

[[Univision]] is the ~~nations~~nation's largest Spanish language television network.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Univision |url=https://www.census.gov/library/spotlights/2020/univision-tv.html |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Census.gov}}</ref> According to Della de Lafuente, Emmy award-winning journalist and former president of the [[National Association of Hispanic Journalists]] (NAHJ), Univision provides the Latino community resources such as for finding a doctor, a school for their children, or a job.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Villafañe |first=Veronica |date=2015-03-26 |title=Della de Lafuente dies at 51 |url=https://www.mediamoves.com/2015/03/della-de-lafuente-dies-at-51.html |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Media Moves |language=en-US}}</ref><ref name=":6de Lafuente">de Lafuente, Della. "Poll vaulting: Univision, ImpreMedia try to get out the Latino vote in crucial election." Brandweek, January 14, 2008, S4. Gale Academic OneFile (accessed February 12, 2023)</ref> Since 2007, they have also initiated efforts to politically mobilize the Latino community. In 2007, the network made history by hosting and broadcasting the first presidential debates in Spanish. In the 2008 primary elections, Univision released a "Ve y Vota en las Primarias" ("Get Out and Vote in the Primaries) 30-second ad to its viewers. [[Cesar Conde]] former chief strategist for Univision, stated that the network is making it a priority to help inform and motivate Latinos about the political process.<ref name=":6de Lafuente" /> The television network has continued on these efforts from national to local elections.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

==== ~~Univision and the~~ 2016 presidential election ====

[[File:Destino 2016 El Voto Latino 01.png|thumb|236x236px|Univision's voter registration campaign "Destiny 2016, the Latino vote" during the 2016 presidential election]]

During the 2016 presidential election, Univision carried out a voter registration campaign (#VotaConmigo) to increase Latino voter participation.<ref>{{Cite web |date=2020-09-28 |title=Kochava Partners with Univision for Its "Vota Conmigo" Campaign, Designed to Encourage Voter Registration |url=https://corporate.televisaunivision.com/press/press-releases/2020/09/28/kochava-partners-with-univision-for-its-vota-conmigo-campaign-designed-to-encourage-voter-registration/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=TelevisaUnivision}}</ref> In February 2016, Univision announced its attempts to register over 3 million new Latino voters, based on the number of Latinos that became eligible to vote since the last presidential election in 2012. Jessica Herrera-Flanigan, Univision's executive Vice President, stated to the [[The Washington Post|Washington Post]], "As a media company, we have the ability to educate and tell people whats happening on air and off air...We have the voice." Following their campaign announcement, the television network broadcast commercials, encouraging people to call the citizenship hotline, [[National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials]] (NALEO). In the next month, [[William Valdés|William Valdes]], cohost of [[¡Despierta América!|Despierta America]], a morning segment, hosted a Facebook Live, talking about his U.S. citizenship process. That day, NALEO received 20,000 calls, surpassing the other days' average of 100 calls.<ref>{{Cite news |title=Univision draws 100,000 to voter registration drives in move to increase its political clout |language=en-US |newspaper=Washington Post |url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/powerpost/wp/2016/05/20/univision-draws-100000-to-voter-registration-drives-in-move-to-increase-its-political-clout/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |issn=0190-8286}}</ref> Univision ended up registering over 200,000 new Latinos to vote in 2016.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Univision Drives Over 200,000 Latino Voter Registrations |url=https://uplandsoftware.com/mobile-messaging/resources/case-study/univision/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Mobile Messaging |language=en}}</ref>

==== Criticism ~~of Univision~~ ====

A Washington Post op-ed, by Callum Brochers, argued that ~~Univisions~~Univision's campaigns are designed to help the Democratic party, not to help Latinos become politically involved.<ref name=":7Borchers">Borchers, Callum. "Let's be clear: Univision's 3 million Latino voter registration drive helps Democrats." Washington Post, February 23, 2016. Gale Academic OneFile (accessed February 12, 2023). ~~<nowiki>~~https://link-.gale-.com~~.ezproxy.rice.edu~~/apps/doc/A444047060/AONE?~~u=txshracd2542&~~sid=googleScholar&xid=~~04c975a1</nowiki>~~dba00040.</ref> As evidence, Callum, revealed that [[Haim Saban]], Univisions' chairman, has consistently donated money to the Democratic party. In the 2016 election, Haim Saban donated $2.5 million to [[Priorities USA Action]], a super Political Action Committee(PAC), that supported [[Hillary Clinton|Hilary Clintons]] campaign.<ref name=":7Borchers" /> Ken Oliver-Mendez, a director of an organization that tracks liberal bias, also shared that Univision broadcasts liberal leaning news as Republicans are not covered fairly within the platform.<ref name=":7Borchers" /> In the 2020 presidential election, Donald Trumps campaign called Univision, "Leftist propaganda".<ref>{{Cite web |last=Moreno |first=J. Edward |date=2020-07-08 |title=Trump campaign says Univision is 'Leftist propaganda' |url=https://thehill.com/homenews/campaign/506436-trump-campaign-says-univision-is-leftist-propaganda/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=The Hill |language=en-US}}</ref> However, Univision has continuously stated that it is a non-partisan, television network.<ref>{{Cite web |title=[node:Title] |url=https://www.csrwire.com/press_releases/39309-univision-kicks-off-unprecedented-nonpartisan-national-voter-registration-day-effort |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=www.csrwire.com |language=en}}</ref>

=== Spanish-language media and politics ===

~~== Notable Latino politicians ==~~

Latinos are an increasingly important demographic in American politics, yet they still face significant barriers to engagement and representation. Understanding the complex factors that shape Latino political behavior and mobilization is essential in understanding Latino representation in politics.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009"/>

==== ~~Past senators~~Impact ====

[[File:Univision_Parade_Float_in_Boston.jpg|thumb|The Univision parade float in Boston's 2016 Dominican Parade.]]

Spanish-language media can bolster Latino political engagement and provide a much-needed space to communicate their immigrant identity. It is an effectual tool in influencing, validating, and amplifying the voices of Latinos.<ref name="Matt A. Barreto-2016">{{Cite journal |last1=Sergio I. Garcia-Rios |last2=Matt A. Barreto |date=2016 |title=Politicized Immigrant Identity, Spanish-Language Media, and Political Mobilization in 2012 |journal=RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences |volume=2 |issue=3 |pages=78 |doi=10.7758/rsf.2016.2.3.05 |s2cid=62839906 |issn=2377-8253|doi-access=free }}</ref> It is imperative to amplify the political force of Latino communities by affirming their legitimacy. Spanish-language media stands out as an indispensable tool for Latinos due to disparities in language and access to news sources. Thus, it serves as a powerful means of catalyzing political involvement among the Latino Community.<ref name="Matt A. Barreto-2016" /> Ethnicity is another factor that shapes Latino political behavior. Co-ethnic voting among Latinos is driven by shared identity, cultural and linguistic connections, and a belief in the candidate's ability to represent the community's needs.<ref name="McConnaughy-2010"/> At the same time, non-Latino voters may react negatively to Latino candidates due to biases and stereotypes. This underscores the need for candidates to develop campaign strategies and messages that resonate with diverse ethnic and racial groups.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009" />

Ultimately, socioeconomic and political environments can impede Latinos from obtaining political representation. Redistricting, the primary system, poverty levels amongst Latino communities, educational qualifications of voters, and voter turnout all contribute to this underrepresentation.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009" /> Understanding the factors that shape Latino political behavior and mobilization is essential for building a more inclusive and representative democracy.<ref name="CASELLAS-2009" />

* [[Octaviano Ambrosio Larrazolo|Octaviano A. Larrazolo]] (R-NM) 1928-1929 : He was the first Mexican American and first Latino United States senator.<ref name=":02">{{Cite web |title=U.S. Senate: Hispanic American Senators |url=https://www.senate.gov/senators/hispanic-american-senators.htm |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=www.senate.gov}}</ref>

* [[Dennis Chávez|Dennis Chavez]] (D-NM) 1935-1962 : He was the first Hispanic Democrat elected in the U.S. Senate. He was also the longest serving Hispanic U.S. senator.<ref>{{Cite web |title=CHAVEZ, Dennis {{!}} US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives |url=https://history.house.gov/People/Listing/C/CHAVEZ,-Dennis-(C000338)/ |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=history.house.gov |language=en}}</ref>

== Current Latino politicians ==

* [[Joseph Montoya|Joseph M. Montoya]] (D-NM) 1964-1977: He was the youngest representative in the history of the state to be elected to the New Mexico House of Representative at the age of 22. Then became senator in 1964.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Hispanic Americans in Congress -- Montoya |url=https://www.loc.gov/rr/hispanic/congress/montoyaj.html |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=www.loc.gov}}</ref>

* [[Ken Salazar|Kenneth L. Salazar]] (D-CO) 2005-2009: He became the first Hispanic American from Colorado to serve in the U.S. Senate.<ref name=":02" />

===Senators===

* [[Mel Martínez|Mel Martinez]] (R-FL) 2005-2009: He and Ken Salazar were the first Hispanic politicians to be voted into the U.S. Senate since 1977.<ref>{{Cite web |title=SALAZAR, Kenneth Lee {{!}} US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives |url=https://history.house.gov/People/Listing/S/SALAZAR,-Kenneth-Lee-(S001163)/ |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=history.house.gov |language=en}}</ref>

{{See also|Hispanic and Latino Americans in the United States Congress}}

~~===Current senators===~~

There are 6 [[List of Hispanic and Latino Americans in the United States Congress#House of Representatives|Latino Senators]] in the [[United States Senate]], 4 Latino Democrats and 2 Latino Republicans.

*[[Catherine Cortez Masto]] (D-NV), first Latina elected to serve as a U.S. Senator from [[Nevada]].

Line 204 ⟶ 248:

*[[Bob Menendez]] (D-NJ), sixth Latino to serve in the [[United States Senate]].

*[[Alex Padilla]] (D-CA), first Mexican American and Latino senator from [[California]].

*[[Marco Rubio]] (R-FFL), first [[Cuban American]] to be speaker of the [[Florida House of Representatives]], former [[2016 United States presidential election|2016 Presidential candidate]].

===Representatives===

Line 223 ⟶ 267:

*[[Nydia Velázquez]] (D-NY 7th District): first Puerto Rican woman to serve in the United States Congress.

== ~~2023~~2022 ~~Midterm~~midterm ~~Election~~election preferences ==

An August 2022 survey conducted by the Pew Research Center found that slightly more than half of Latino registered voters (53%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> said they would vote for or were leaning towards the Democratic candidate for the U.S. House of Representatives in their congressional district. This can be compared to the 28% of Latino/Hispanic voters who said they would vote for the Republican candidate. About one-in-five Latino voters (18%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> said they would vote for another candidate or are still determining whom they would vote for.{{Citation needed|date=May 2023}}

{{See also|2022 United States elections}}The 2023 class of incoming Congress members is historic for the Latino community. This is the largest cohort of Latinos to be sworn into Congress. According to [[Vox (website)|Vox News]], 14 Latino candidates were elected to join the 34 incumbents, indicating that the 118th Congress class will be 11% Latino (34 Democrats, 11 Republicans).<ref>{{Cite web |last=Paz |first=Christian |date=2022-12-03 |title=Meet the new class of Latinos in Congress |url=https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23487995/latino-house-congress-2022-midterms-representation-political-power |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Vox |language=en}}</ref><ref name=":53">{{Cite web |title=A class of newly elected Latinos in Congress sets a record |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/latinos-record-number-elected-congress-midterms-rcna57943 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |language=en}}</ref> Representative [[Ruben Gallego]] (D-AZ), commented, "Invest in Latino voters. Talk to Latino voters early and recruit Latinos and Latinas to run and not just in majority Latino districts", after the midterm outcomes.<ref name=":53" />

When looking at religious affiliation, A majority of Hispanic Catholics (59%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> and those labeled as religiously unaffiliated (60%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> (described themselves as atheists, agnostics, or “nothing in particular”) said they would vote for the Democratic candidate for the U.S. House in their congressional district. In comparison, when looking at Hispanic evangelical Christians, more said they would vote Republican than Democratic (50% vs. 32%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/>

The Pew Research Center study also found a strong connection between Hispanic identity and how Hispanic registered voters would vote. Most Hispanics who said being Hispanic/Latino was extremely or very important to how they think of themselves (60%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> would vote for the Democratic candidate in their local congressional district. Meanwhile, those who said being Hispanic is less important to their identity were more evenly split between voting for the Democratic and Republican candidates in their district's House race (45% vs. 38%).<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/>

== Views of Biden and Trump ==

=== Biden ===

Analyzing the Pew Research Center data on the midterm elections, slightly less than half of Latino/Hispanic registered voters (45%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022"/> said they approved of how Biden has been handling his job as president. However, Biden's approval rating varied somewhat across demographic subgroups of Hispanic/Latino registered voters. When looking at Hispanic/Latino Democrats they hold largely positive views of Biden with nearly two-thirds of Hispanic Democrats and Democratic leaning individuals (65%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> approving of Biden's presidency, and substantial minority (34%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> disapproving. By contrast, nearly all Hispanic Republicans and Republican leaners (92%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> disapprove of Biden. Among Latino registered voters, only 29% of evangelical Christians approve of Biden's job performance, while a greater share of Latino Catholics (53%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> and those with no religious affiliation (44%) <ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> say the same. A greater share of Hispanic voters who say being Hispanic is important to how they think of themselves approve of Biden's job performance than do Hispanics who say being Hispanic is less critical to their identity (52% vs. 37%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" />

=== Trump ===

[[File:Latinos_for_Trump_2016_RNC.jpg|thumb|Latinos for Trump signs at day four of the 2016 RNC]]

A great majority of Hispanic/Latino registered voters (73%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> said they would not like to see Trump remain a national political figure. Out of these Hispanics/Latinos, Hispanic/Latino Democrats and Democratic-leaning were extremely opposed to Trump's re-election with 94%<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> opposing Trump's participation in politics. In comparison, 63% of Hispanic/Latino Republicans and Republic-leaning individuals said they would want Trump to remain a national political figure, including about four in ten (41%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> Hispanic/Latino Republicans who said he should run for president in 2024. Among Latino registered voters, looking at their religious affiliations, Hispanic/Latino evangelicals are more in support of Trump's re election (43%)<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> compared to Hispanic and Latino Catholics that are 22%<ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> more likely to say Trump should remain a national political figure. This is a bigger population compared to Hispanic and Latinos with no religious affiliation that are 18% <ref name="Nadeem-2022" /> more likely to say Trump should remain a national political figure, and a quarter of Latino/Hispanic evangelical registered voters say Trump should run for president in 2024.

== 2022 midterm election ==

The 2023 class of incoming Congress members is historic for the Latino community. This is the largest cohort of Latinos to be sworn into Congress. According to [[Vox (website)|Vox News]], 14 Latino candidates were elected to join the 34 incumbents, indicating that the 118th Congress class will be 11% Latino (34 Democrats, 11 Republicans).<ref>{{Cite web |last=Paz |first=Christian |date=2022-12-03 |title=Meet the new class of Latinos in Congress |url=https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23487995/latino-house-congress-2022-midterms-representation-political-power |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=Vox |language=en}}</ref><ref name="NBC News-2022">{{Cite web |title=A class of newly elected Latinos in Congress sets a record |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/latinos-record-number-elected-congress-midterms-rcna57943 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |date=18 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref> Representative [[Ruben Gallego]] (D-AZ), commented, "Invest in Latino voters. Talk to Latino voters early and recruit Latinos and Latinas to run and not just in majority Latino districts", after the midterm outcomes.<ref name="NBC News-2022" />

{| class="wikitable"

Line 258 ⟶ 319:

|3rd

|2023–Present

|Perez is the first Latina Democrat to be sworn into Congress from Washington state.<ref name=":5Lopez-2012" />

Line 266 ⟶ 327:

|3rd

|2023–Present

|Ramirez is the first Latina to represent Illinois in Congress.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Illinois elects its first Latina congresswoman, Democrat Delia Ramirez |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/illinois-elects-first-latina-congresswoman-democrat-delia-ramirez-rcna56072 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |date=9 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref>

Line 274 ⟶ 335:

|6th

|2023–Present

|Salinas, alongside Deremer is one of the first Latinas to represent Oregon in Congress.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Oregon makes history with its first Hispanics to Congress: Two Latinas |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/republican-lori-chavez-deremer-oregons-first-hispanic-congress-rcna56038 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |date=15 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref>

Line 282 ⟶ 343:

|8th

|2023–Present

|Caraveo, is Colorados first Latina representative.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Colorado elects its first Latina member of Congress, Yadira Caraveo |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/news/latino/colorado-elects-first-latina-member-congress-yadira-caraveo-rcna56056 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |date=13 November 2022 |language=en}}</ref>

Line 298 ⟶ 359:

|8th

|2023–Present

|Rob Menendez is the son of New Jersey Senator, Bob Menendez.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Rep. Rob Menendez Jr.: "I never saw myself" running for office |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/rep-rob-menendez-jr-never-saw-running-office-rcna64876 |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=NBC News |date=9 January 2023 |language=en}}</ref>

Line 353 ⟶ 414:

|New York

|3rd

|2023

~~|2023–Present~~

|The first Brazilian-American elected to Congress, Santos was a part of the first congressional race in which between two LGBTQ+ candidates competed against each other.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Kuchar |first=Savannah |title=First congressional race between two gay nominees marks progress for LGBTQ candidates |url=https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/2022/10/29/new-york-congressional-race-first-openly-gay-candidates/8234775001/ |access-date=2023-03-08 |website=USA TODAY |language=en-US}}</ref> He was expelled from Congress on December 1, 2023.

Line 362 ⟶ 423:

*[[Congressional Hispanic Conference]]

*[[Hispanic Democratic Organization]]

*[[Hispanic Leadership PAC]]

*[[National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials]]

*[[National Institute for Latino Policy]]

Line 379 ⟶ 441:

==See also==

*[[Hispanic and Latino conservatism in the United States]]

*[[Congressional Hispanic Caucus]]

*[[Hispanic and Latino Americans in the United States Congress|Latino Americans in the United States Congress]]

*[[Hispanic Democratic Organization]]

*[[List of Latino Republicans]]

*[[List of Latino Democrats]]

*[[Ethnocultural politics in the United States]]

==References==

Line 393 ⟶ 452:

[[Category:Politics of the United States]]

[[Category:Hispanic and Latino American society]]